Neoplatonists, Misc

This is the latest draft of our translation of our reconstruction of Aristotle's lost work, the Protrepticus (Exhortation to Philosophy). The front matter indicates how to cite the work and the translation. We are currently in the process of preparing a critical Greek edition and commentary.

Paper draft on the concept of participation in the Late Antique thought of Plotinus and Dionysius the Areopagite.

Commentaries in late antiquity were the predominant form of scholarly engagement with ancient, authoritative texts. Not only in Greek, but in Latin no less, ancient commentaries were an integral part of reading and understanding literature and philosophy (and theology, as part and parcel of philosophy at that time). I shall deal with commentaries (as self-standing works, different from glosses) on poetic, rhetorical, philosophical, and religious texts in Latin late antiquity, both ‘pagan’ and Christian. Grammatical and rhetorical education played a remarkable (...) role in their preparation, and questions of adaptation and of the reuse of earlier material, especially Greek models, will also come into play. (shrink)

This article analyzes Maximus the Confessor’s account of the soul-body relation in _Ambiguum_ 7, arguing that he employs a mereological account of the soul-body relation that leads to a via media between rejecting a Platonist-inspired view of the soul’s pre-existence and rejecting a strict Aristotelian hylomorphic view of the soul and body. By assessing Maximus’ sources (esp. Aristotle, Nemesius, Gregory of Nyssa, and John Philoponus), I maintain that Maximus’ account gives us a unique position in the history of ancient and (...) late antique positions on the human soul and its relation to the body. (shrink)

This chapter assesses the philosophical background to Thomas Aquinas’s interpretation of Proposition 1 from the _Liber de causis_ that “every primary cause influences its effect more than a secondary cause.” Aquinas claims to find the doctrine in Aristotle, although at first glance—and following some recent commentators—Aristotle himself does not seem to hold this causal principle, where contemporary commentators highlight Aristotle's departure from the Platonic hierarchy between a strictly-called 'cause' (αἰτία/αἴτιον) and instrumental or co-cause (συναίτιον). Despite this apparent opposition, I show (...) how Neoplatonists—particularly Proclus—develop certain strands of Aristotle's thought, where the latter tacitly accepts a distinction between primary and secondary efficient causes. Proclus' integration of Aristotle with Plato on causes leads to his formulation of the principle of primary/secondary causality, as adapted in the _Liber's_ Prop. 1: a key foundation for all medieval philosophical thought. (shrink)

This article offers a close reading of De Mysteriis VIII 2 (261.7–262.11), where Iamblichus distinguishes the “One God” (θεὸς εἷς), who remains “unmoved” (ἀκίνητος), from “the First God and King” (ὁ πρῶτος θεὸς καὶ βασιλεύς). It argues that these two figures are best identified with Iamblichus’ two highest Ones: (1) the entirely Ineffable principle (One1) and (2) the Simple One (One2). The decisive clue is a liturgical criterion. Read alongside De Mysteriis V 9, the contrast between ἀκίνητος (261.8) and συγκινεῖται (...) (210.3) is not merely cast in the language of rest and motion but functions as a marker of liturgical (i.e. theurgic) addressability, delineating where theurgy can—and cannot—reach. This boundary clarifies how Iamblichus distinguishes One1 from One2 by insisting that One1 remains “untouched” by any ritual linkage even while One2 can enter the economy of theurgic stirring, thereby bringing into view an often-overlooked hierarchy of theurgic accessibility. The argument is further supported by an analysis of the epithets applied to the First God and King in VIII 2 and by comparison with their usage in the Platonic tradition. (shrink)

This third and final volume concludes Hermias' commentary on Plato's Phaedrus. Here, Plato delivers a celebrated critique of writing, and its relationship to orality. Hermias follows him, and adds a general account of good writing. In addition, this volume offers the first English translation of the brief Introduction to Hermogenes' On Styles, which manuscripts attribute-probably mistakenly-to Hermias' teacher Syrianus. Baltzly and Share discuss the Introduction's authorship and its relation to the genuine commentaries of Syrianus on the rhetorical treatises of Hermogenes. (...) They illuminate the relationship between philosophy and rhetoric in the Neoplatonic schools, and provide a novel explanation of Neoplatonic commentaries as performances of Platonic literacy in ancient elite education. This translation offers novel evidence of interest for students of ancient philosophy, rhetorical education, and literature more broadly. It is accompanied by explanatory notes, an introduction, and scholarly apparatus, including indices, glossaries, and bibliography. (shrink)

This article undertakes two projects rendering significant ramifications for philosophy/theology, if my assertions are correct. First, the philosopher/theologian known as St. Augustine of Hippo is most saliently recognized as a “white man”; if not a white man, “a European”; if not European, “a man of Rome”; or “Mediterranean”; etc. Outside the intellectual sphere, this is how he is often depicted in art, Penguin Classic books, and so on. Yet ironically, images of Augustine rarely circulate, if at all, as a Black-African-Indigenous (...) person. Was Augustine nonwhite? Evidence is rendered that this is indubitably the case. Could Augustine have been modernly categorized as “Black?” Though I have immense and strong inclinations for asserting his Black-Africanness, they lack epistemic certainty, as does a project of inductive/abductive reasoning. However, despite traditional consensus, a compelling case is presented for Augustine’s racial Black-Africanness, even though it is complicated by his pursuit of “romanitas” with imperial Rome (the imperialists of the African Indigenous and continent). After ample evidence is given, a prima facie acceptance of Augustine’s Blackness is asserted. This opens the second project. Second, with this newfound understanding of Augustine as an Indigenous-Black-African alongside his status as a philosopher/theologian/mystic, a question arises of whether Augustine’s Christian mysticism/mystical elements could be syncretistic with Traditional African Religion’s (TAR) mysticism/mystical elements. From the outset, this seemed unlikely. As the project continued, the likelihood increased. The answer to the question is “Yes,” there is a “religious syncretism” but “what is it” and “how does it manifest?” Complicating matters, TAR is fungible with Indigenous philosophy or “African philosophy,” and the hidden epistemic/semantic landmines concerning this will be elaborated. These two projects as an aggregate, (while early in stage) if correct, will have the charged potential to be meaningful for oppressed peoples and restorative justice and will also have meaningful ramifications for philosophy and theology. (shrink)

Timothy Pawl has claimed that various conciliar and patristic texts attribute thinking, willing, suffering, and other human mental states to Christ’s human nature. This article challenges this claim, focusing in particular on the writings of Saints Cyril and Athanasius of Alexandria. I argue that Cyril and Athanasius do not in fact attribute thinking, willing, or any other mental states to Christ’s human nature. Rather, they imply that there is only one individual who thinks Christ’s human thoughts, feels his human pain, (...) speaks his human words, etc. This one individual is not Christ’s human nature but Christ himself, the incarnate divine person. I conclude by highlighting the significance of this historical point for contemporary discussions of the Incarnation in analytic theology and philosophy of religion. (shrink)

Using Platonic metaphysics, the paper offers eight arguments for the benevolence of the simulator of our world, assuming that it is a simulation. In part, the paper proceeds negatively by showing problems with the hypothesis of a malevolent simulator. First, simulant is to simulator as part to whole, so it is in the interests of the simulator to be just and wise toward the simulant. Second, the simulation hypothesis implies the possibility of religious technology, unless the simulator is virtuous and (...) therefore above manipulation. Third, if the simulator is malevolent then ethics becomes incoherent, given that piety is a virtue. Fourth, unless the simulator is benevolent then no simulant is, since everything done by a simulant is done in cooperation with the simulator. Fifth, the simulator is impassible to simulants, but evil involves passivity. Sixth, the simulator is the singular cause of the world, but evil involves the accidental collision of causes. Seventh, the simulator is eternal with respect to the world, and evil cannot exist in the eternal. Eight, simulating requires knowledge of the forms, but like is known to like, so a malevolent simulator could not create an intelligible world. (shrink)

This paper analyses the section of Nemesius of Emesa’s treatise On the Nature of Man dedicated to fate. The main objective is to analyse Nemesius’s response to the supporters of a notion of fate within the framework of astral determinism, Stoicism, and Middle Platonism. Following a mainly descriptive method, the paper focuses on Nemesius’s own thought and not just on his treatment of his sources, as much of the existing literature has done until now. Without pretending to give a definitive (...) answer on the originality of his own philosophy, we examine how Nemesius assigns some of the functions of fate in one of his Middle Platonic sources to divine providence. In doing so, he develops a personal theology in which he gives an innovative prominence to divine free will and transcendence in the traditional philosophical problem of providence. (shrink)

On Principles and Matter, a previously unknown treatise by Porphyry of Tyre only preserved in a Syriac translation, was finally made available to historians of philosophy in 2021. The studies collected in the present volume deal with this treatise.

This paper discusses the identification of god figure depicted as a man with a lion's head, which has been associated with Aion and equated with Orphic god Chronos. The author challenges the equation of Aion with Orphic Chronos, drawing on evidence from Proclus and Damascius, who both distinguish Aion as a separate entity from Chronos. Additionally, the author presents an attempt to illustrate the Orphic god Chronos based on Damascius' description.

This paper offers a detailed analysis of Damascius' discourse on Orphic theology in Chapter 123 of On First Principles, focusing on how Damascius correlates the first principles of Rhapsodic and Hieronyman theogonies to his own Neoplatonic first principles. Through detailed textual analysis, it presents a schematic alignment of Damascian principles with Orphic theology.

The first collection of philosophical essays devoted to Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy, one of the most widely read and influential texts in medieval Europe. Thirteen essays, reflecting the diverse approaches taken in contemporary scholarship, attend to its literary features and philosophical content, and demonstrate its ongoing vitality.

In this paper, I argue that Bryson’s Oikonomikos is a fascinating example of the oikonomia genre in several different respects. Although the problematic transmission of this Neopythagorean text makes studying it a challenge, such effort is well-rewarded with an elaborate argument which paints the human bodily constitution, the central bodily functions and oikonomic activities as intrinsically linked. Focusing on Bryson’s argument which roots oikonomic behaviour in human biology, I explore the underlying conceptualisation of human nature and contextualise it within relevant (...) philosophical and scientific traditions. (shrink)

In a 1997 paper, Salvatore Lilla pinpointed multiple textual parallels between Damascius and the Pseudo-Dionysius, showing certain conceptual parallels. For instance, both Ps.-Dionysius and Damascius speak of the first cause, or God, as being all things, i.e. as “encompassing” (περιληπτική) or as “anticipating” (προληπτική) all things, at the same time that God transcends all things. In my chapter I expand on Lilla’s findings by showing how Ps.-Dionysius’ conception of God fits more closely with Damascius’ framework for the One, especially Damascius' (...) description of the triad of principles (i.e. the One-All, All-One, and Unified) at the One’s level which closely parallels Ps.-Dionysius’ description of the Christian Trinitarian persons (i.e. the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit). The chapter also shows striking parallels between Damascius and Ps.-Dionysius elevating divine revelation as a primary means of communicating knowledge about the first cause’s mode of being (correcting certain claims of Lilla), while it also shows how the parallels drawn between Proclus’ henadology and Ps.-Dionysius make more sense when looking at Damascius’ own adaptation of Proclus’ henadology with his conception of the One’s triad of principles. (shrink)

Lengthy review of the 2020 Brill Companion to Hellenistic Astronomy with special reference to Neoplatonism.

This article expands our knowledge of the historical-philosophical process by which the dominant metaphysical account of the Christian God became ascendant. It demonstrates that Marius Victorinus proposed a peculiar model of ‘consubstantiality’ that utilised a notion of ‘existence’ indebted to the Aristotelian concept of ‘prime matter’. Victorinus employed this to argue that God is a unity composed of Father and Son. The article critically evaluates this model. It then argues that Augustine noticed one of the model's philosophical liabilities but did (...) not publicly name Victorinus when he rejected it in De Trinitate, thereby exemplifying the practice of private ‘rebuke’ (ἐλέγχɛιν). (shrink)

The late antique rabbis of Roman Palestine were seasoned jurists, experts on exegesis and legal interpretation. Yet rabbinic literature does not theorize. A positive account of rabbinic conceptions of language therefore remains a desideratum. I choose an alternative approach. Legal reasoning relies on language to ground the determinacy of the law. Jurists must thus confront language when it threatens to undermine the latter. Conversely, they may hold language to safeguard legal determinacy. Drawing on insights from legal theory, I turn to (...) an unusual rabbinic rule of inference. Its earliest attested version suggests a universal possibility of inference “from the category of yes that of no, from the category of no that of yes.” I show that the ever-evolving uses of this rule allow us to observe a shift in linguistic attitude, increasingly acknowledging linguistic uncertainty. My findings tie in with recent advances in the study of rabbinic exegesis. (shrink)

This book is about what Celsus wrote about Jesus in the Second Century, what Celsus's image of God was like, and especially where Celsus found the ammunition to criticize Jesus so fiercely. Why did Christianity's growth bother a pagan philosopher, who was committed to Roman religion? Why did it bother a Platonic philosopher, although Christianity was never meant to be a philosophy? -- Egge Tijsseling explores the idea that Christians finished the Roman Empire, because they did not want to join (...) the army - Jesus preached nonviolence, and if they did join the army, they only recruited more Christians, and finally because Christianity was 'soft', and therefore attractive for many in the strict and hierarchic Roman world. -- This book investigates Celsus' reasons to write such a versatile book against Jesus, that Origen almost a century later needed eight books to refute him. (shrink)

In the midst of the renewed interest of philosophers and scholars in Classical Antiquity, the Italian Quattrocento bears testimony to the discovery, study and translation of many works from the Greek Patristic tradition, which nurture the humanists’ desire for a Poetic Theology and a new Anthropology. In that context, some of Gregory of Nyssa’s texts that had remained unknown to the West during the Medieval period receive their first Latin translations, made by prominent representatives of the Italian and Byzantine cultures. (...) Arrived in Calabria early in the XVth century, the monk Athanasius Chalkéopoulos, who became bishop of Gerace and a close collaborator in the Roman Academy of Bessarion, translates Nyssen’s De oratione dominica and dedicates it to Pope Paul II. We present a critical edition of his version in this same volume. Here we will analyse the way in which the Byzantine translator pours into Latin the most interesting anthropological passages of Gregory of Nyssa’s homilies, which contain themes very dear to Renaissance humanists. Based on numerous conceptual affinities and on the marginal annotations to an Italian autograph copy by Chalkéopoulos himself, today at the National Library of Madrid, we will consider the possible reception of Gregory’s treatise by the count Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, on such topics as assimilation to God and spiritual ascent, freedom from necessity and the creativity of free choice, the nature of human conflicts and their inner pacification, the problem of evil and the image of the serpent. (shrink)

Celsus penned the earliest known detailed attack upon Christianity. While his identity is disputed and his anti-Christian treatise, entitled the True Word, has been exclusively transmitted through the hands of the great Christian scholar Origen, he remains an intriguing figure. In this interdisciplinary volume, which brings together ancient philosophers, specialists in Greek literature, and historians of early Christianity and of ancient Judaism, Celsus is situated within the cultural, philosophical, religious and political world from which he emerged. While his work is (...) ostensibly an attack upon Christianity, it is also the defence of a world in which Celsus passionately believed. It is the unique contribution of this volume to give voice to the many dimensions of that world in a way that will engage a variety of scholars interested in late antiquity and the histories of Christianity, Judaism and Greek thought. (shrink)

U ovom tekstu ćemo istražiti na koji način i na kojoj osnovi je ideja napredovanja doživela svoju transformaciju u neoplatonizmu i hrišćanskoj teologiji. Pokazaćemo da se elementi ove ideje javljaju kod Plotina i pojedinih patrističkih autora, ali da je konačno uobličenje i razradu doživela prvenstveno u delu svetog Grigorija Niskog, koji je priznat kao najzaslužniji za njeno postuliranje.

This is the first collected volume dedicated to Olympiodorus of Alexandria, the last pagan Platonic philosopher at the end of antiquity.

"This volume brings together articles by sixteen leading scholars on a cross-section of Platonists authors-Christian and non-Christian-from early through late Byzantium philosophy, including the Capaddocians, Cyril, Proclus, Damascius, Dionysius, George of Pisidia, Nicetas Stethatos, Nikephoros Choumenos, Psellos, and George Palamas. The reception of Byzantine thought in the Latin tradition is also considered. The articles collectively show development in the Greek East on ontological issues such as the doctrine of the soul, as well as theological concepts of the One/God and Trinity (...) within a hierarchical universe. The volume considers exegetical questions relating to the use of Plato and the Platonists by Byzantine Christian authors"--. (shrink)