Multiculturalism

Edward Said’s Orientalism revolutionized Western scholarship by exposing its deep-seated biases in studying non-Western societies, particularly the Arab-Islamic world. His critique revealed how Western narratives dehumanized the "Orient" through exaggerated differences, exoticization and imperialist assumptions. This intellectual framework, Said argued, distorted objective scholarship, allowing Western scholars to claim superior knowledge over the very societies they studied. This paper examines Said’s arguments and their enduring impact on Political Science, Political Philosophy and International Relations. It explores how Orientalist discourse persists in shaping (...) Western narratives, particularly in the post-Cold War era through scholars like Fukuyama and Huntington, as well as in studies on terrorism and democratization efforts in the Arab-Islamic world. Finally, it analyzes the evolution of Orientalism in its modern, neo-Orientalist configuration, which continues to influence global politics and academic discourse. (shrink)

This article explores the contemporary systemic paralysis in Britain, diagnosed not as a transient financial crisis but as a profound "institutional erosion" and "structural fatigue". The author posits that this state is the result of three mutually reinforcing "deadlocks": economic, social-cultural, and political. Economically, Britain is caught in a "deadlock of hesitation" between the American liberal market model and the Scandinavian welfare state, resulting in a system that extracts high taxes but provides poor public services. Social-culturally, the failure to choose (...) between integration and multiculturalism has led to the rise of "parallel communities" and a subsequent collapse of mutual trust, the essential "social glue" required for a functioning economy. Politically, the nation suffers from a "management crisis" where the governing system lacks both the decisive accountability of majoritarianism and the long-term stability of consensus-based politics. By analyzing the "institutional bankruptcy" visible in the NHS, public transport, and the 2023 bankruptcy of the Birmingham City Council, the article illustrates a "vicious cycle" of decline. The author argues against "magic models" such as "Singapore on Thames," asserting that such fantasies only deepen policy paralysis. The paper concludes that breaking this cycle requires the political courage to make definitive structural choices and a concerted effort to rebuild national trust and coordination between the country's "brains" and its "institutional muscles". (shrink)

On Exit provides fresh, new perspectiveson the debates on the rights of individuals against their own cultural or religious groups. It brings together scholars from different disciplines to discuss some of thekey questions concerning the relations of cultural and religious groups, group members, citizens, and the state within Western liberal democracies. The volume revisits some of the theoretical controversiesrevolving aroundthe right of exit, and provides insights into the more practical problems of cultural accommodation.

A new edition of the highly acclaimed book Multiculturalism and "The Politics of Recognition," this paperback brings together an even wider range of leading philosophers and social scientists to probe the political controversy surrounding...

On Will Kymlicka’s conception of multicultural citizenship, group membership enables personal autonomy by way of providing individuals with meaningful options. Many educational and political theorists have employed Kymlicka’s argument to defend a multicultural education as proper preparation for democratic citizenship in socially diverse liberal societies. Multicultural education includes the study of a variety of cultures and is meant to promote the development of a cultural identity, intercultural empathy and tolerance, and the cross-cultural construction of shared positions. Recently, however, Elizabeth Anderson (...) has challenged multicultural citizenship and education on the grounds that they lead to the formation of group-specific biases, stereotypes, and inequalities in cultural and social capital. Therefore, she proposes an integrationist conception of citizenship education that requires citizens from different groups to collaborate within educational and public contexts. This article takes issue with the nationalist framing of this debate and Anderson’s integrationist conception because they neglect how large-scale social transformations like economic globalization and global governance have generated the need for transnationalizing democracy and democratic citizenship. Adopting a transnational perspective, this article ascribes an important role to multicultural education for learning the attitudes, knowledge, and skills that empower citizens to exercise democratic control both across and beyond national borders. The article emphasizes how the formation of intercultural empathy through multicultural education facilitates engagement in transnational social movements and political discourses. Finally, the article responds to objections concerning the lack of feasibility, cosmopolitan bias, and counterproductiveness of multicultural education and transnational democratic citizenship. (shrink)

From the fashion label Dior being accused of cultural appropriation after using American Indian imagery in an ad campaign for its “Sauvage” fragrance, to the backlash against Kendall Jenner’s afro-esque hairstyle in Vogue, debates about cultural appropriation have reached a fever pitch. In this much-needed analysis of the phenomenon Aurélia Bardon and Jennifer Page step back and ask: when is cultural appropriation wrong and when are we right to criticize it? Their analysis of wrongful cultural appropriation centers on three questions: (...) whether appropriation involves theft; whether it communicates disrespect; and whether it disregards requests made by marginalized groups about their cultural practices. Sometimes, they argue, it is structural injustice rather than individual wrongdoing that is at stake. They examine cultural appropriation’s political dimensions, asking whether the state should be neutral between appropriative and non-appropriative artistic expression. They contrast bans on wrongful cultural appropriation and the state’s using its expressive power as a speaker, spender, and educator to discourage it. They also consider the ethical questions that arise when cultural appropriation debates spur further debates about online shaming and cancel culture. Using cases from music, fashion and the arts, Cultural Appropriation: Wrongs and Rights will be of great interest to students and researchers in philosophy, politics and related subjects, such as race and ethnic studies, sociology, and cultural studies. (shrink)

The principle of cultural nationalism holds that every national community, simply by being a national community, has a prima facie right to self-government. Given that national communities are singled out as the right-holder, proponents must explain why this particular type of group is entitled to the right to self-government. In this paper, I analyze the strategies that a cultural nationalist may adopt to demand the right to self-government. We can distinguish between four types of arguments for cultural nationalism–the Argument from (...) Historical Injustice, the Argument from Inequality, the Instrumental Value Argument, and the Intrinsic Value Argument. I consider the merits and limitations of each. After critically examining these arguments, I conclude that none of the arguments successfully justifies the generalized claim that every national group enjoys a prima facie right to self-determination. Proponents of cultural nationalism may respond to my objections by suggesting that, even assuming that all my objections are sound, this only shows that existing arguments in favor of cultural nationalism are unsound. That is, they can find new ways to defend the principle and I have not proven that cultural nationalism must be rejected. To this, I discuss further three reasons to reject cultural nationalism: it lends moral support to colonialism, undermines inter-group cooperation, and is incompatible with a deep and genuine commitment to multiculturalism. Therefore, although we should embrace multiculturalism—policies that support different national heritages—cultural nationalism ought to be rejected. (shrink)

This introduction and the contributors to this volume advance the debate on the normative relevance of historical injustice. This introduction shows that discussions on this topic should consider four aspects: first, the temporal dimension of justice; second, the connection between current claimants for reparations and the putative duty-bearers with the original perpetrators and victims of historical injustice; third, how changes in circumstances might affect what is considered just; and fourth, the appropriate form of reparation. The introduction provides an overview of (...) the contributions made by Zara Goldstone, David Heyd, Daniel Loewe, Michael Luoma and Margaret Moore, Macarena Marey and Alejandro de Oto, and David Miller. Michael Luoma and Margaret Moore argue that historical territorial injustice is somehow unique, and present a comprehensive comparison between forward-looking and backward-looking approaches. Macarena Marey and Alejandro de Oto argue that historical injustices should be seen as contemporary issues. David Heyd’s contribution posits that the non-identity problem cannot be circumvented by appealing to groups. Daniel Loewe contends that the legitimate expectations of contemporary citizens should take precedence over historical claims for the restitution of territory. David Miller assesses when and why the way in which victims of historical injustice respond to its effects is relevant to the calculation of compensation. Finally, Zara Goldstone argues that migration rights should be considered part of the reparations offered by former colonising countries to their former colonies. (shrink)

Selective permeability holds that people’s distinct capacities allow them to do different things in a space, making it unequally accessible. Though mainly applied to urban geography so far, we propose selective permeability as an affordance-based approach for understanding diversity in education. This has advantages. First, it avoids dismissing lower achievements as necessarily coming from “within” students, instead locating challenges in the environment. This implies that settings (not just people) need remedial attention, also raising questions about normative judgments in disability nomenclature. (...) Second, affordances can be negotiated in numerous ways to reach a goal, analogously to how people with missing arms have learned to drive with their feet, so restrictive problem-solving methods are often counterproductive. Third, our approach illuminates how cultural factors ranging from gait styles to language and hence group coordination modulate action possibilities, so that cultural groups may encounter objectively different affordances in the same classroom. But fourth, while fit with environment allows for skill refinement, non-fit can contribute to growth situations, which suggests a degree of selective closure can be desirable. Throughout, we argue social constructs—including educational ones—are literally built or enacted barriers or openings that have reality in environments in the same way that affordances do. (shrink)

(This is one of the essays to be included in a book examining the causes of day-to-day strife in the populations of modern democracies vying to live and assert the freedoms promised to them by systems of governance supposed and expected to represent them.) -/- The emigrant / immigrant / migrant makes a conscious, relatively difficult decision to exchange what s/he knows for what is not known at all but in promise. The choice is often stark and carries with it (...) the imposition of restrictions on what will be possible in terms of existing customs, culture, and direct involvement with friends and family, and signifies a leap of faith into what appears to be a better, more prosperous, happier future. -/- At times, such choice is unavoidable, others it turns out to be a gamble of sorts, but, no matter what the cause, reason, or desire underlying an act of migration away from what the emigrant has known, it never turns out to be what was expected and no amount of preparation allows the emigrant to anticipate what will in fact occur. Migration is the founding of a new life in all the aspects of the emigrant’s existence. (shrink)

In this essay, we address an important problem in the ethics of cultural engagement: the problem of giving a systematic account of when and why outsider use of insider cultural material is permissible or impermissible. We argue that many scholars rely on a problematic notion of collective ownership even when they claim to be disavowing it. After making this case, we motivate an alternative framework for thinking about cultural exchange, which we call the core interests framework. We conclude with some (...) reflections on how this framework helps to raise interesting questions about the most promising accounts of wrongful cultural appropriation. (shrink)

This article reconsiders Molefi Asante’s idea of Afrocentrism. It discusses Eurocentrism and the search for identity that provoked Afrocentrism as an intellectual paradigm. It details some basic tenets of the Afrocentric paradigm and makes some critical remarks on certain issues in the conceptualisation of the Afrocentric paradigm. Essentially, those remarks revolve around the notions of multiculturalism, identity and language. First, the article argues that the Afrocentric paradigm, through its openness to anyone interested in it – an extension of its claim (...) to multiculturalism – drags itself back into the problem of identity that it initially set out to resolve. This is because it provokes the dilemma of extreme inclusivity and extreme exclusivity. Second, it uses the language of Eurocentrism to fight against Eurocentrism, which seems absurd. Third, it glosses over the fact that, apart from Africa, other cultural civilisations might have significantly influenced the intellectual development of the ancient Geeks. The article argues, therefore, using the methods of analysis and critical argumentation typical of philosophical writing, first, that Afrocentrists may need to re-articulate the Afrocentric paradigm in such a way that would address the problem of identity which it set out to resolve by properly delineating its boundaries. Second, they need to address the language question, which is an important aspect of the problem of identity. Third, they need to recognise and respect the contributions of other cultural civilisations to the Greek intellectual development. This does not upset their multiculturalist programme. (shrink)

Religion, Race, Multiculturalism, and Everyday Life takes a spirited conceptualist look back into the history of our development. The book sets out to explore the ways in which a punditry of human equality continues to lock in unassailably assured logical postures, enabled by the historically intertwined roles played by power and the passage of time, towards the invention and sustenance of social truth. Religion, race, and multiculturalism have been written about many times, and from a variety of academic, discipline-specific perspectives. (...) Nonetheless, these social issues remain ever relevant to any sincere bid to understand the inegalitarian aspects of modern society. Religion, Race, Multiculturalism, and Everyday Life was primarily written with serious students of philosophy, sociology, the humanities, and history in mind. The author contends that we should never be too afraid to explore contentious or difficult philosophical and social questions. (shrink)

solicited by Joan Copjec; use Balibar to respond to Susan Moller Okin in my analysis of the tensions between feminism and multiculturalism.

Methodological individualism opens up fruitful avenues for the explanation of the social processes at work in international migrations and in the emergence of identity groupings at the origin of multiculturalism. Three perspectives from the MI focus on the cognition of individuals, the structure of their social networks and their rationality. Under the effect of a cognitive attractor, the migrants tend to regroup with significant others who resemble them by various traits. The structure of their social relations favors ethnocultural groupings and (...) strong reasons explain ethnic attachment. Social action takes place in a context that parameters the immigrants’ decisions but does not determine them. Six elements of the context of migration are examined. The MI perspective allows to explain the circular causality between microsociological and macrosociological perspectives and to identify what separates multiculturalism and universalism. The MI provides two possible ways in order to reconcile diversity and social cohesion. (shrink)

Multicultural theory and practice have in recent years been subjected to substantial criticism. While some of these criticisms can be dismissed as grounded in discriminatory attitudes, others are less easily swept aside, as they are underwritten by values that multiculturalists tend to affirm. A harm reduction approach, that recognizes that reasonable citizens can disagree about some multicultural practices while at the same time acknowledging that attempts at prohibition are either exceedingly costly or contrary to the very values that opponents subscribe (...) to, can provide an alternative foundation for some multicultural accommodations to which both opponents and advocates can subscribe. It involved permitting contested behaviours while imposing regulations aimed at minimizing the harms relative to shared values that they can give rise to. (shrink)

In many of his works, Zygmunt Bauman has expressed a critical position regarding the politics of multiculturalism, showing how it can be and has been used to downgrade the problems of inequality and uneven access to education, while sequestering minorities in their inherited cultural situations, which are portrayed by the leaders of such communities as “fortresses under siege”. While agreeing with his critique of unequality, this article shows that the target of his criticism are not the honest efforts to find (...) a modus vivendi for multicultural societies that would preserve cultural identities while opening them up to a common social ground, but essentializing and simplifying political discourses that make use of multicultural vocabulary in order to promote other agendas. The article further develops a model in which to view the interests and legitimate rights of individuals and groups and shows how conclusion arises as a result of manipulating them. Finally, the article compares the cultural attitudes and relations to their particular environment of two groups, immigrant minorities and expats, and comes to the conclusion that expats, normally people who come from economically equal or wealthier backgrounds share many of the problems usually associated with immigrant cultural communities in contemporary societies, thus demonstrating that the discourse of multiculturalism can and should be legitimately and fruitfully separated from the discussion of other social problems. (shrink)

This book is about multiculturalism, broadly defined as the recognition, respect and accommodation of cultural differences. Teo proposes a framework of multicultural denizenship that includes group-specific rights and intercultural dialogue, by problematising three issues: a) the unacknowledged misrecognition of non-citizens within the scholarship of multiculturalism; b) uncritical treatment of citizens and non-citizens as binary categories and; c) problematic parcelling of group-specific rights with citizenship rights. Drawing on the case of Singapore as an illustrative example, where temporary labour migrants are culturally (...) stereotyped, socioeconomically disenfranchised and denied access to rights accorded only to citizens, Teo argues that understandings of multiculturalism need to be expanded and adjusted to include a fluidity of identities, spectrum of rights and shared experiences of marginalisation among citizens and non-citizens. Civic Multiculturalism in Singapore will be of interest to students and scholars of multiculturalism, critical citizenship studies, migration studies, political theory and postcolonial studies. (shrink)

Chinese Communist monocultural policies, notably the re-education camps for the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, have recently been condemned for violating human rights. In response to critics, the Chinese Communist Party frequently replied that one should not impose Western concepts of democracy, liberty, and human rights on the Chinese people. Nevertheless, instead of introducing Western philosophies criticizing the current Chinese Communist monoculturalism; with the help of a modern reinterpretation of the Classic of Rites, this paper aims to construct a Confucian Multiculturalism and (...) argues that: (1) the Classic of Rites explicitly warned against cultural assimilations of “barbarians” into the “civilized” Empire, (2) the Classic of Rites acknowledges cultural diversities, and (3) although the Classic of Rites does not explain clearly why the imperial court should tolerate cultural diversities, a Kantian reinterpretation of the Chinese concept of 敬 Jing implies the respects for minority rights. In doing so, this paper formulates Confucian Multiculturalism as a new model of the Chinese philosophy of culture which asserts cultural diversity. (shrink)

Chinese Communist monocultural policies, notably the re-education camps for the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, have recently been condemned for violating human rights. In response to critics, the Chinese Communist Party frequently replied that one should not impose Western concepts of democracy, liberty, and human rights on the Chinese people. Nevertheless, instead of introducing Western philosophies criticizing the current Chinese Communist monoculturalism; with the help of a modern reinterpretation of the Classic of Rites, this paper aims to construct a Confucian Multiculturalism and (...) argues that: (1) the Classic of Rites explicitly warned against cultural assimilations of “barbarians” into the “civilized” Empire, (2) the Classic of Rites acknowledges cultural diversities, and (3) although the Classic of Rites does not explain clearly why the imperial court should tolerate cultural diversities, a Kantian reinterpretation of the Chinese concept of 敬 Jing implies the respects for minority rights. In doing so, this paper formulates Confucian Multiculturalism as a new model of the Chinese philosophy of culture which asserts cultural diversity. (shrink)

Este ensayo trae a colación importantes puntos, tanto teóricos como prácticos,desde la perspectiva de la teoría crítica, con referencia al multiculturalismo. Me interesa delinear lo que sería una línea programática para un multiculturalismo viable. Tomando en cuenta el contexto neoliberal actual, me interesa enfatizar el problema práctico de hacer posible un multiculturalismo que no sea exclusivamente neoliberal, problema que ha logrado instalarse en el debate público con toda su intensidad.

Kazakhstan is a unique country in the center of Eurasia with a rich history. It is famous for its cultural diversity and national harmony, in which various ethnic groups coexist in a single society. This phenomenon, known as multiculturalism, is becoming increasingly relevant in the modern world, and Kazakhstan is an example of the successful integration of various cultures.

The article deals with the issue of aesthetic and cultural education in the age of multiculturalism, which is relevant for modern pedagogy. The connections between culture and education, the growth of the role of aesthetic and cultural education and the training of a future specialist are considered, according to which the emphasis is shifted from traditional pedagogy to the development of aesthetic and cultural education of a comprehensively developed personality. It is noted that modern pedagogy considers culture and aesthetics as (...) an auxiliary means of influencing the student, as well as the formation of his aesthetic and cultural instructions. In the article, based on the study of aesthetic and cultural education of the individual in the modern age, it is carried out in the context of multiculturalism and the synthesis of approaches from the point of view of socialization and the transition of society from traditional to modern in the conditions of globalization/polyconfessionality/transformation and the peculiarities of education in conditions of war and in the period of aggravation of social confrontations - from the standpoint of resistance to attempts to change the world order by force in the conditions of the clash of barbarism and civilization. Aesthetic and cultural education in the age of multiculturalism can serve as an example of social and cultural support for the development of individual skills and competencies. Aesthetic education has been known since ancient times. Support for aesthetic development can be based on a system of activities aimed at the activity mediation of knowledge, which opens up the possibility of their transformation into skills, creating favorable conditions for the formation of relevant competencies. In the age of multiculturalism and globalization, values are changing in favor of world/ western/modern ones, which are based on the observance of laws as the basis of the social order and educate socially mature, morally prepared and patriotic members of society. It is summarized that numerous definitions of the concept of “multiculturalism” can be classified into: historical and social, which shows the presence of ethnic and religious diversification in society; culturally diverse – the presence of cultural and spiritual understanding of the individual; political and economic – as a dependence on the economic and social situation; pedagogic-social-state – as a program of education in the state; globalist – as interconnected with modern processes of societies and civilizations. (shrink)

White liberals like to claim that they live in a post-racial society. Furthermore, they believe that most people do not sympathize with the far-right. However, it is not racism fueling right-wing extremism in North America and Western Europe but the dominant ideology, liberalism. Consequently, Slavoj Žižek argues that racism is a problem concerning “objective violence,” which he further breaks down into “symbolic violence” and “systemic violence.” These primarily target minority groups. Thus, “objective violence” best explains the West’s problematic views of (...) Muslims and Islam since it supports what Edward Said refers to as “Orientalism” and reproduces racist depictions of racialized communities. These are incredibly harmful since the West still perceives the Orient and its residents as violent, strange, and backward. These Orientalist attitudes ultimately lead to discrimination against Muslims and Arabs. Furthermore, this ideology naturalizes and legitimizes capitalist social relations while concealing racialization processes. (shrink)

Hymenoplasty is a minor surgical procedure requested by women who, for cultural or religious reasons, need to remain a virgin until marriage. In this article I assess whether the public healthcare system of a liberal state should provide it as part of a policy of multicultural accommodation. I conclude that, in order to remain loyal to certain ethical ideals linked to the rule of law, liberal states should give access to hymenoplasty only to women for whom premarital virginity is a (...) precondition for their flourishing within their community and who say they are victims of sexual assault. (shrink)

Contrasting two models of deliberative democratic multiculturalism, one by Seyla Benhabib and another by Luis Villoro, this paper contends that the differences between these two models outweigh the similarities, and that Villoro’s model is more promising insofar as it preserves the trust required in the institutions that mediate democratic deliberation in multicultural societies.

Despite the widespread presence of public arts funding in liberal societies, some liberals find it unjustified. According to the Neutrality Objection, arts funding preferences some ways of life. One way to motivate this challenge is to say that a public goods-styled justification, although it could relieve arts funding of these worries of partiality, cannot be argued for coherently or is, in the end, too susceptible to impressions of partiality. I argue that diversity-based arts funding can overcome this challenge, because it (...) invests in non-excludable infrastructure that fosters cultural literacy. We all have some interest as citizens in living in a society which fosters cultural literacy, seeing as this helps others to understand us, supports us to understand ourselves, and helps alleviate confusion and alienation we feel toward social difference. While some of these benefits can be enjoyed by those who make and consume art, they are also gained by those who don’t, because arts funding affects the makeup of public spaces and the communicative practices we all use to make sense of the world. (shrink)

Appiah’s latest book does something distinctive: it shows why we need to take another look at very familiar dimensions of identity, those dimensions of our personhood that encompass cultural loyalties, moral responsibilities towards others, and the ethical life. Indeed, Appiah’s book is a kind of answer to an ancient Socratic question, that is, what sort of person one aims to be. The Ethics of Identity is an apt title, for the arguments contained within make the case that who we are (...) is often defined by what we are, whether we are conscious of this fact or not. This insight, as venerably ancient as it is currently in vogue, is examined here with renewed vigour and nuance. (shrink)

Contemporary liberal states must provide an answer to the “question of cultural diversity”, requiring a principled way to determine which minority cultural practices a state must accommodate and support. (Liberal egalitarian) multiculturalism answers this question neatly by creating a dichotomy between national minorities and ethnic minorities (the national/ethnic “dichotomy”). Where national minorities are entitled to extensive and far-reaching cultural rights, ethnic minorities are entitled to significantly fewer cultural rights and accommodations. This dichotomy is enacted through a distributive logic that allocates (...) cultural rights to achieve equal individual autonomy. But the dichotomy is also influenced by the ways these groups were incorporated into the state. Their modes of incorporation are different and, thus, they have different requirements to achieve equally autonomous lives. Critics have challenged multiculturalism by questioning this dichotomy. They have suggested that the dichotomy does not adequately capture differences in kinds of minority groups and their entitlements. This paper defends the dichotomy by offering a supplementary principle to liberal egalitarian multiculturalism: the reparative multicultural principle. This principle allocates cultural rights as part of reparative entitlements for historical and ongoing injustices committed against minority groups. Supplementing multiculturalism in this way more accurately captures the idea of the historical mode of incorporation that inspires the dichotomy and can help resolve some the objections to multiculturalism. (shrink)

This paper is concerned with the problem of speaking past one another due to an asymmetry of the interlocutors' backgrounds. When individuals with different levels of relative privilege interact, the party with relative privilege may fail to engage with what is being communicated. I take up critical Gadamerian hermeneutics to ask how we, as individuals with relative privilege, can 'unstop' our ears so that the burden of explanation does not (unfairly) remain on those we hurt by our mishearing/non-hearing. I offer (...) two methods to achieve this 'unstopping': 'critical self-knowledge' through Quassim Cassam's 'Vice Epistemology' framework and 'critical world-knowledge' through the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory (Max Horkheimer and Jürgen Habermas, specifically). I then take up contemporary critical hermeneutics (Lorenzo Simpson) to show how, through the application of the critical methods, one might be able to achieve a useful, cross-cultural dialogue. This is imperative given our inexorably multi-cultural world today. (shrink)

This article examines how multiculturalism has overflowed from its governmental and policy articulations into Canadian society and culture more broadly. In doing so, it brings together three fields of research that are often separated and disarticulated from each other. Firstly, it draws on oft-overlooked archival material from agencies, departments and ministries of anti-racism, heritage, human rights, immigration, labour, multiculturalism, race relations, settlement and the status of women between 1971 and 2001. Secondly, it engages with the political and academic careers of (...) “immigrant women” who navigated the credentialism, anti-intellectualism and “shy elitism” that courses through official and corporate forms of multiculturalism, and were recognized by prize-giving institutions for their contributions to Canadian society. Finally, it thinks with and through Black Atlantic intellectuals and an “anti-hierarchical tradition of thought that probably culminates in C.L.R. James’s idea that ordinary people do not need an intellectual vanguard to help them to speak or to tell them what to say”. (shrink)

이 글은 다문화주의에 기초하여 여성 이해의 새로운 지평을 마련하 기 위해 서양인이 동양을 어떻게 바라보는가를 헤겔의 중국관 내지 여성관을 통해 접근하고자 한다. 헤겔은 역사 철학, 철학사, 예술 철학의 서두를 동양에서 출발하지만, 동양에는 주체성과 자유가 결핍되어 있다는 이유에서 출발점 내지 실마리의 위치에서 동양을 배제한다. 헤겔은 중국의 공자 철학에 대한 감탄에도 불구하고 공자 사상을 철학으로 간주하지 않는다. 헤겔에게 동양 철학은 근대 철학의 토대가 되지 못하며, 동양과 서양 근대 간에는 어떤 공통적인 본질적 원리도 없다. 중국은 역사의 시작이지만 몰 역사적이라서 세계사의 실마리가 될 수 (...) 없다. 중국은 역사 철학과 철학사와 예술 철학 모두에서 기본적으로 보편적 양식을 지니고는 있지만 개인의 주체성, 자유, 자기의식이 상실된 망아상태이기 때문에 보편성보다는 종교적 표상 양식에 가까운 것으로 격하된다. 헤겔은 동양인, 중국인이 기본적으로 자기의식이 없으며, 자기의식의 결핍은 가부장제 문화와 연결된다고 본다. 가부장제는 중국에서 가족 정신으로 이어지며, 가족의 기본 정신은 사랑이다. 이때 사랑은 개성과 인격이 방기되는 것이다. 인격의 방기는 가족 안에서만 그치지 않는다. 황제 개인이 전권을 행사하면서 드러내는 가부장제적 족장의 모습은 종교적 사제 역할까지 담당하는 신정 정치의 모습을 담고 있다. 헤겔은 가부장제 가족 문화에서 가족을 이끄는 정신은 가족의 경건심, 신적 법이며, 이러한 신적 법의 대표자는 여성이라고 한다. 그러나 여성은 자기의식이 없는 존재라서 가족의 정신도 가부장제도 자기의식이 없다. 그러므로 가부장제 문화 속의 동양 남성은 자기의식이 없으며 역사의, 철학의 실마리도 될 수 없는 존재이다. 게다가 헤겔은 동양 여성에 대해서는 그다지 언급하지 않으며, 심지어 동양 남성의 망아상태에서조차 관심 대상으로 부각시키지 않는다. 헤겔은 (근대) 서양 남성과 서양 여성을 비교할 때는 남성의 자기의식적 측면을 부각시키고, 그에 반해 여성은 자기의식이 없다고 강조하지만, 자기의식이 없는 서양 여성조차도 헤겔 저작 곳곳에서 자기의식에 대한 암묵적 자각과 자기의식적 분열을 시사하는 측면을 지니고 있다. 그러나 헤겔이 동양관, 중국관을 거론할 때 동양 남성은 서양 근대 여성이 지닌 분열 의식조차도 지니고 있지 않기 때문에, 동양 여성, 한국 여성은 헤겔의 논의 지평에서는 존재하지 않는 비존재적 존재들이다. 헤겔의 동양관, 동양 여성관은 알게 모르게 동양의 신비 내지 동양 여성의 신비라는 단어 속에 은폐되어 있다. 헤겔의 동양 이해, 여성 이해를 다문화주의적 차원에서 새롭게 여성을 이해하는 대척점으로 반전시키려면, 서양의 나르시스적 동양관을 극복해야 한다. 동시에 서양의 나르시스적 동양관의 영향을 받아 이미 그에 물들어 있는 우리들은 그 속에서 새로운 지평을 마련하기 위해 노력해야 한다. (shrink)

Multiculturalism has become a political touchstone in many countries around the world. While many of those on the right oppose it, and many of those on the left embrace it, things are not this simple. For those who defend them, multicultural policies are generally seen as key to the fair and successful integration of minorities, many of whom are immigrants, into diverse democratic societies. For those who oppose multiculturalism, who have become part of the so-called "backlash" against multiculturalism, they are (...) charged with generating segregation rather than inclusion, undermining national cultures, reinforcing difference, and privileging minority groups. Around the world, we see failing attempts at migrant integration, persistent religious intolerance and racial and ethnic discrimination, resurgent national minorities, emboldened majorities, permanent minorities, continuing social isolation, and increasing extremism, including in the form of white nationalism. But is multiculturalism the solution to these problems or does it just make them worse? In this for-and-against book, two prominent scholars of multiculturalism put forward different answers to this important question. While Patti Tamara Lenard argues for minority rights as both the consequence of a right to culture and a way to redress the effects of nation-building, Peter Balint rejects minority rights altogether, instead arguing for a re-imagined liberal neutrality. This theoretical disagreement plays out in real-world policy disagreement. Lenard, for example, argues strongly in favor of exemptions from general rules for minority cultures including the right of Sikhs to be exempt from helmet laws, and for Jews and Muslims to be exempt from bans on male circumcision. She also defends the right of minority cultures to have government-supported separate spaces. Balint, on the other hand, argues directly against these types of exemptions and government support. He is opposed to any form of differentiation based on culture, religion, or ethnicity. The book uses a wide range of real-world examples to demonstrate their significant theoretical disagreement, and to recommend very different policy proposals. (shrink)

This book focuses on multiculturalism, racism and the interests of nonhuman animals. Each are, in their own right, rapidly growing and controversial fields of enquiry, but how do multiculturalism and racism intersect with the debate concerning animals and their interests? This a deceptively simple question but on that is becoming ever more pressing as we examine our societal practices in a pluralistic world. Collating the work of a diverse group of academics from across the world, the book includes writing on (...) a wide range of subjects and addressing contemporary issues in this critical arena. Subjects covered include multiculturalism, group rights and the limits of tolerance; ethnocentrism and animals; racism and discrimination and non-Western alternatives to animal rights and welfare. The book will be of interest to researchers, lecturers and advanced students as well as range of social justice organisations, government institutions, animal activist organisations and environmental groups. (shrink)

Following newer research trends this chapter is underpinned by the thesis that the British Empire, by its gradual disengagement from its former dominions, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia, was seen as a threat by social actors in these respective societies. Concurrently, all these societies had to deal with a (growing) variety of ethnic and social groups. With the emphasis on developments in Canada and in Australia, Sebastian Koch studies two big celebrations of nationhood to question different ways of memoria and (...) anti-memoria: the celebration of Canada’s 100 years’ anniversary of independence in 1967 and the 1967 Expo in Montreal. His analysis of memoria and anti-memoria as knowledge practices shows that indigenous knowledge was still threatened and precarious even if Canada proclaimed the idea of “unity in diversity” during its coming of age party in 1967. Nevertheless, Koch’s chapter shows that formerly marginalized groups used (their) precarious knowledge to win recognition, highlight injustices, and play their part in the development of “new” identity concepts. (shrink)