Identity Politics

La vida filosófica puede ser una vida nómada, tanto en la teoría como en la práctica. En la provocativa e incisiva obra del filósofo mexicano-uruguayo Carlos Pereda, la propuesta más significativa es el pensamiento nómada—un modo de pensar que se mueve y explora, que no es estacionario, estático ni obstinadamente intransigente. Es un tipo de nomadismo que caracteriza una manera de pensar en general saludable o virtuosa desde un punto de vista epistémico, y que, de hecho, podría ser indispensable para (...) ello. Pensar a México. Entre otros reclamos reúne algunas de sus reflexiones más recientes sobre el significado filosófico de estos dos tipos de nomadismo, con un énfasis especial en el pensamiento nómada. No obstante, el libro también nos ofrece una síntesis idiosincrática de la filosofía mexicana del siglo XX, en particular aquella que considera la persistente influencia del colonialismo europeo en la vida intelectual mexicana, las políticas de identidad e inclusión, así como las concepciones cambiantes de lo que significa ser mexicano. (shrink)

In this chapter we discuss the difference between tyranny of the majority and tyranny of the minority. A first step to preventing either is to redesign existing political institutions. We therefore examine each of the major components of the U.S government, summarizing their functions, problems, and making suggested reforms. We then do the same for parliamentary systems of the sort found in Europe and elsewhere. Following this we look at alternate forms of democracy. These are more experimental systems that have (...) yet to be adopted at a national level. They include methodologies that foster forms of deliberative democracy, liquid delegation systems, quadratic voting, citizen assemblies, and prediction markets. Education is critical to an informed electorate, but educational institutions have yet to do an effective job in countering nefarious politicians and disinformation on social media. Democratic information systems that are unbiased and non-partisan include the Society Library's Internet Government Project and the Great American Debate project, which we describe. We conclude with a discussion of the role science can play in the political process. (shrink)

Hannah Arendt, istaknuta filozofkinja i politička teoretičarka, oblikovala je osebujnu i nijansiranu koncepciju ljudskog tijela unutar svog djela Condito Humana, posebno u kontekstu radne aktivnosti. Njezina razmišljanja o tjelesnosti neraskidivo su utkana u njezin sveobuhvatni filozofski okvir, onaj koji naglašava dinamiku ljudskog djelovanja, sferu zajednice i zamršeno tkivo političke egzistencije. Unutar svoje analize, tjelesnost pojedinca nalazi se unutar „zabačene domene” privatnosti, domene odvojene od domene politike i rada, namjerno zaštićene od javnog „razgolićenja”. Tijelo je za Arendt „nužnost”, činjeničnost i preduvjet (...) za svaku analizu, te su u Condito Humana tijelesnost i utjelovljenost kao aspekt ljudskog stanje stavljeni sekundarni samim tjelesnim aktivnostima. Stoga ovaj rad nastoji, udubljujući se u Arendtino i Heideggerovo prikriveno istraživanje tjelesnih iskustava, rasvjetliti potencijal za fenomenologiju političkog angažmana ukorijenjenog u opipljivom ljudskom obliku. (shrink)

The question of why group-differentiated rights might be a requirement of justice has been a central focus of identity politics in recent decades. I attempt to bring some clarity to this discussion by proposing a typology to track the various ways in which individuals can be harmed or benefited as a consequence of their membership in social groups. It is the well-being of individuals that group-differentiated rights should be understood as protecting, and so clarity on the relationship between group membership (...) and well-being is vital. One of the problems with the way in which such justifications have often been formulated in the past has been that they inadvertently position the group as a handicap to be overcome, rather than a value to be protected. I seek to overcome this limitation by clearly specifying the circumstances under which group membership is a liability, and the circumstances under which it has value. While this distinction is important, in both cases there is a relevant interest at stake, and thus the groundwork can be laid for a defence of group-differentiated rights. (shrink)

James Lindsay, who researches the roots of social justice zealousness, observed that, “[s]o far as I know, there’s not some specific piece of scholarship that closes the Woke off to debate, like a single paper or book explaining why they don’t do it” (2020). We now have that paper. It is titled “Pragmatism as a Mediator–Seeking an Illusory Harmony?” (2023) and was written by the Finnish scholar Sami Pihlström. In this short article, I examine Pihlström's stance and show why it (...) is epistemically, ethically, and politically disastrous. (shrink)

In recent years, the term “Christian nationalism” has been popularized widely in mass media and academia. But the concept is still not well understood, and its connection to other MAGA-related phenomena like QAnon or “Christofascism” warrant examination. In what follows, I cover each in turn as they relate to President Trump’s MAGA base of support.

The philosophical life can be a nomadic life, both in thought and practice. In the engaging and insightful work of the Mexican-Uruguayan philosopher Carlos Pereda, the more important of these is nomadic thought—a mode of thinking that moves and explores, that is not stationary or static, that is not stubbornly hidebound. This is a kind of nomadism that characterizes healthy or epistemically virtuous thinking in general, and that might indeed be indispensable to it. But a nomadism in practice—of migration, or (...) exile, or cross-border transplantation—is certainly also central to Pereda’s philosophical outlook. "Mexico Unveiled" brings together for an English-speaking audience some of Pereda’s most recent reflections on the philosophical significance of these two different types of nomadism, with a special emphasis on nomadic thinking. That idea is the through-line for Pereda’s thinking here. But the book also offers an idiosyncratic synthesis of 20th-century Mexican philosophy that considers the persistent influence of European colonialism on Mexican intellectual life, the politics of identity and inclusion, and the changing ideas of what it means to be Mexican. (shrink)

To deadname is to call a trans person by a name they have rejected. Deadnaming has a visceral impact. Why? This paper canvasses several possible answers. While deadnaming may sometimes evoke painful memories or communicate that the speaker is transphobic, I suggest that deadnaming is hurtful for fundamentally prohibitionist reasons. When a deadname is used, it violates a prohibition that has been enacted by a trans person’s exercise of linguistic authority; violating this prohibition is impactful. I sketch how this explanation (...) of impact can be readily extended to provide a rights-based account of the normative dimensions of deadnaming, too. (shrink)

To deadname is to call a trans person by a name they have rejected due to their gender transition. Deadnaming has a visceral impact, and is presumptively blameworthy. I offer an account of these properties in terms of taboo violations and acts of linguistic authority. Linguistic authority is posited to derive from a fundamental interest in being the author of one’s own social persona(e). I also consider, and reject, a semantic account of the behaviour of deadnames.

Carlos Pereda's "Mexico Unveiled" is a fresh, idiosyncratic synthesis of twentieth-century Mexican philosophy that puts contemporary debates about Mexican identity politics into a critical perspective. In three engaging essays written in a peerless prose style, Pereda considers the persistent influence of European colonialism on Mexican intellectual life, the politics of inclusion, and the changing ideas of what it means to be Mexican. He identifies three "vices"—social habits, customs, and beliefs inherited from European colonialism—that have influenced the development of Mexican national (...) identity: subaltern fervor, craving for novelty, and nationalist zeal. Pereda demonstrates that these three tendencies have led Mexican intellectuals, and Mexican society more generally, to uncritically adopt a politics of exclusion and destructive nationalist attitudes. To do all of this, Pereda invites readers to follow him along as he explores an often surprising series of arguments and counterarguments. Using a strategy he calls "nomadic" thinking—the act of moving beyond our cultural preconceptions and habits of thinking—he guides readers through a number of examples drawn from Mexican philosophy and culture that illustrate these tendencies. At its core, "Mexico Unveiled" is an accessible and entertaining introduction to the philosophical themes that have long occupied Pereda's life and work and Mexican philosophy more generally. (shrink)

Identity labels like “woman”, “Black,” “mother,” and “evangelical” are pervasive in both political and personal life, and in both formal and informal classification and communication. They are also widely thought to undermine agency by essentializing groups, flattening individual distinctiveness, and enforcing discrimination. While we take these worries to be well-founded, we argue that they result from a particular practice of using labels to rigidly label others. We identify an alternative practice of playful self-labelling, and argue that it can function as (...) a tool for combating oppression by expressing and enhancing individual and collective agency. (shrink)

Humanity obligates respect. To respect someone is to intend what the person intended that one intends. A daughter respected her father if if he intended that she rests regularly, then she does so with the correct motive. Jesus’ Greatest Commandment, through the Worship of Yahweh identified via the First Commandment, interacts love with respect. If to love is to value the loved one’s welfare, valuing it for its own sake differentiates a malignant form of love from one out of respect. (...) From gender, through ethnicity and humanity, I bring out the theological insight from us being created in the image of God. Why respect? Because we are human. But why does humanity obligate respect? Because Yahweh commanded so. The vice of idolatry, ecologically, is constituted by self-disrespect – a form of worship that demeans and defiles oneself. That we are grateful to be Designed thus enlightens our life. (shrink)

Whataboutism is een strategie waarbij op een beschuldiging wordt gereageerd met een wedervraag die eveneens een beschuldiging impliceert, waardoor de oorspronkelijke vraag eerder wordt ontweken dan beantwoord. Het is een effectieve methode om de aandacht te verplaatsen naar een andere situatie door een vergelijkbaar, dan wel onvergelijkbaar, contrast te bieden, waardoor de beschuldigde het eigen gedrag probeert te rechtvaardigen en verantwoordelijkheid probeert te ontlopen. Maar niet alle vormen van whataboutism impliceren echter een drogredenering, noch worden ze altijd verkeerd toegepast. Het (...) contrast dat voortkomt uit de vraag ‘what about’ kan dan een cruciale bijdrage leveren aan een situatie die een verdere kritische analyse vereist, en daarmee de geloofwaardigheid van de argumentatie versterken. (shrink)

This chapter reflects on some of the major themes of this volume, as it takes up the question: is truth a value in political discourse? As a preliminary step, we evaluate a view of political discourse that answers this question negatively: the identity-expression view. According to this view, political claims function to express commitments central to an individual’s political self-conceptions, rather than to state truths in the political domain. While we often assess political claims as true or false, the identity-expression (...) view maintains that such assessments are nothing more than our way of affirming or rejecting such claims—assessments of truth in politics are themselves only ways of expressing the political identity of the assessor. We explore the implications of the identity-expression view for the analysis of political disagreement and argue that, while some political disagreements may be best modeled this way, it is not clear that all of them are: at least sometimes, political disagreements are clearly responsive to the exchange of truth-apt reasons. Indeed, the structure of political disagreements (and some cases of polarization) suggest that truth continues to play an important aspirational role in many political exchanges. This leads us to embrace a pluralist picture of the function of political discourse: political discourse performs multiple functions, including reaching political decisions based on a public exchange of truth-apt reasons, and motivating political action via expressions of identity-forming political commitments. We also draw some broader implications of this pluralist position about the function of political discourse for theories of truth. This includes deflationist approaches to truth making a good fit for expressive uses of political claims in disagreement in attitude, whereas substantive theories of truth appear better suited to explain factual political disagreements. (shrink)

The term ‘identity politics’ is used to refer to a wide range of political movements. In this paper, we look at the theoretical ideas underpinning two strongly, mutually opposed forms of identity politics, and identify some crucial differences between them. We critically compare the identitarian ideology of the New Right with feminist standpoint theory, focusing on two issues: relativism and essentialism. In carrying out this critical comparison we illuminate under-theorized aspects of both new right identitarianism and standpoint theory; demonstrate how (...) the two are distinct; reveal the depth and pervasiveness of the new right ideology’s flaws; and show what a coherent left-wing identity politics could look like. (shrink)

Whether as a rule, principle, ideal, or procedure, self-determination – however complicated – is here to stay. For it to remain politically viable, however, we need reexamine its ontology and teleology: its existence and function. As we leave the modern age in which it was molded, self-determination is confronted by challenges unique to our time. How we, in the 21st century, manage to keep alive and accommodate the concept will determine how the next stage in our global history unfolds. The (...) aim of this paper is threefold: (i) to explore the theoretical foundations of self-determination, (ii) to examine the practical implications and challenges that follow, and (iii) to chart a course for its future directions in global terms. Taking self-determination seriously – if, indeed, we believe that is still worth doing – requires us to think critically about its use (and abuse) as a key doctrine of international law; no longer can we take for granted what we did, in its establishment. To that end, we begin first with an exploration of self-determination as a concept, descriptively and normatively, in Section 2. Through legal theory and political theory, then the philosophy, and on to the psychology, of self-determination, we construct its theoretical foundations; strong and diverse as we find them to be. We then move on, in Section 3, to examine the practice of self-determination. From its historical origins through to its judicial development, we come to see how self-determination actually happens – finding the modern processes to be elusive, giving rise to a central practical problem: what to do with secession. In Section 4, in moving from theory to practice, we attempt to develop a theoretically-informed praxis. We consider first the relevant theoretical challenges self-determination proposes and consider next what the practical responses to those may be. And finally, in Section 5, policy recommendations are made to that effect. (shrink)

El objetivo de esta entrevista realizada el 11 de julio de 2021 a Óscar Sarlo, miembro de la Academia Nacional de Letras de Uruguay, consistió en detectar y comentar en qué estado se encuentra la capacidad de los ciudadanos de América Latina con respecto a la introducción del Derecho en distintos ámbitos sociales. El resultado de esa inserción es fructífero al hacer referencia a la producción literaria; sin embargo, también se trata de un ejercicio deleznable, tal como lo sigue desarrollando (...) la televisión nacional e internacional. En ese sentido, este trabajo permitió dilucidar cómo un tipo de audiencia está comprendiendo erróneamente y tergiversando la actividad jurídica. Ese malestar cultural también estaría justificado por el desconocimiento de las verdaderas funciones de las mismas instituciones que se encargan de impartir leyes y normas comunitarias. (shrink)

StyleLikeU is a hugely successful online social media platform that presents itself as a social justice movement related to body acceptance. Presenting moving personal stories, it offers a site for what it calls ‘diverse individuals’ to share their experiences as part of promoting individual self-acceptance in the face of a world that prioritizes one kind of body over another, which take the form of ableism, racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ageism, sizeism and prejudice against disfigurement. Drawing out the discursive script carried (...) across the platform, we show how, beneath the rhetoric of progressiveness, social justice becomes a kind of personal therapy, related to empowerment and transformation, which erases actual differences in personal circumstances and the very forces of injustice. We place StyleLikeU into broader scholarly concerns about the neoliberal colonization of identity politics, diversity and intersectionality in institutions and in branding, drawing attention to how this can form one part of what are now presented as social justice movements. (shrink)

1. IntroductionIn February 2019, the film Black Panther was awarded three Oscars in Los Angeles. Some reviewers embraced it for its anti-racist message against the resurgence of racism under U.S. president Donald Trump.1 It tells the story of a black hero who tries to steer the development of an ethnically pure, isolationist hereditary monarchy in Africa. The imaginary state of Wakanda, which presents itself to the rest of the world as a third-world country, has highly developed technologies at its disposal–at (...) the same time, one recalls archaic African myths there.2. (shrink)

Events in recent years have underscored the dependence of the liberal international order (LIO) on the domestic fate of liberalism in countries like the United States—where, according to critics such as Mark Lilla and Francis Fukuyama, liberals have imperiled themselves through an unwise embrace of identity politics. These critics argue that identity politics undermines solidarity and empowers the illiberal right, and that it should be rejected in favor of a unifying creedal nationalism based on common liberal values. This analysis, I (...) argue, overlooks the fact that “common” creedal values have expanded in American history when their meanings were being controversially reinterpreted from identity-based perspectives. If American liberalism is to emerge from its current crisis, it will need to incorporate the claims of identity into a sense of national belonging that can resist the authoritarian, ethnoracial nationalism promoted by the LIO's enemies. The likelihood that such a process will be controversial is reason for liberal critics of identity politics to consider how the claims of identity might be an asset, not an obstacle, to revitalizing liberal democracy against its challengers. (shrink)

Identity politics is commonly criticized as endangering democracy by undermining community, rational communication, and solidarity. Drawing on both radical democratic theory and standpoint theory, this article posits the opposite thesis: identity politics is pivotal for the democratization of democracy. Democratization through identity politics is achieved by disrupting hegemonic discourse and is, therefore, a matter of power, while such forms of power politics are reasonable when following minority standpoints generated through identity politics. The article develops this approach by connecting radical democratic (...) theories with standpoint theories and highlighting their commonalities and potential for mutual enhancement. Standpoint theory allows us to substantiate and reconcile two initially contradictory claims: particular minority standpoints are necessary to criticize the prevailing discursive and institutional orders, and these standpoints stem from intersubjective reason and embody ‘strong objectivity.’ This discussion presents a new perspective on the tension between particularity and universality, as well as the relationship between power and reason in democracy. Democratization is an oscillation between these polarities, and political theory should not aim to resolve this tension but to recognize and articulate it. Such recognition might involve elevating knowledge emerging from oppressed groups and exercising epistemic modesty when assessing specific forms of identity politics. (shrink)

„Identity“ has become a political category. Identity-political concepts are about the power of definition over identities and their enforcement in the overall societal or global context. The article first asks what identity actually means in the context of identity-political conceptions, then addresses the closely related problem of diversity, the multiplicity of identities, in order to finally ask how the unity of diverse identities could be thought of and what this means for the concept of identity in identity politics itself.

Virtue in an Age of Identity Politics examines current social justice activism through the lens of Stoic philosophy. While developing a critique of Critical Social Justice, it also explains how Stoicism overlaps with Critical Social Justice in the interest of healing social divisions and promoting honest and nuanced conversations about justice.

This paper argues that identity politics is impeding respectful deliberative democracy. Its starting point is an analysis by Loïc Wacquant which problematizes the relationship between race and ethnicity. Wacquant's discussion covers the biological and social ontology of race, the importance of the culture of individualism in the USA and the general limitations of identity politics. I argue that those limitations are the result of restricting the discussion of race to only two of the four planes of social being, namely the (...) plane of group belonging (Bhaskar's interpersonal interactions or relationality) and the plane of unique biographical accounts (Bhaskar's inner being). The other two planes, namely the natural world (Bhaskar's material relations with nature) and socio-economic structures (Bhaskar's social structures), are thereby backgrounded. This absence of engagement with the natural world and socio-economic structures has both analytical and political consequences. This point applies to all forms of identity politics. (shrink)

One problem often associated with identity politics is “positional fundamentalism,” the equating of social positions with epistemic possibilities and political dispositions. The criticism is that identity politics is usually more about who says something than what is said. This goes hand in hand with perspective relativity, which no longer allows for a common, universal position and therefore also prevents emancipative politics. To respond to this critique of positional fundamentalism and perspective relativism, I develop a new account of identity politics as (...) inherently intersubjective and fundamental to democracy. This approach is necessary to address the philosophical problem at the heart of debates about identity politics: the tension between particularist power politics, on the one hand, and politics as a universalist appeal to reason, on the other. (shrink)

The Yogyakarta Principles for the application of human rights to sexual orientation and gender identity define gender identity as “each person’s deeply felt internal and individual experience of gender, which may or may not correspond with the sex assigned at birth, including the personal sense of the body and other expressions of gender, including dress, speech, and mannerisms.” This definition and its acknowledgment within human rights politics is a key step in the fight of trans people for legal protection. Our (...) aim is to analyze this definition both historically and systematically to find out how the Western liberal conception of rights fosters specific trans politics and limits the options for others. Specifically, we claim that political liberalism and the form of subjective rights that it brings about influence concepts of identity and political strategies. While we analyze the limits of the liberal framework, our aim is to think about how it is possible that even within this framework, non-normative bodies and queer identities can be acknowledged and supported through law. (shrink)

This study attempts to understand whether there were changes over time in Hegel’s opinions on the idea of recognition, which were the basis of Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition, and how later philosophers writing on recognition and intersubjectivity have comprehended Hegel’s intellectual heritage, together with their criticism of peculiar aspects of Hegel’s point of view. In this regard, in order to be able to understand Honneth’s theory of recognition, it is necessary to inquire into the relation between Honneth’s and Hegel’s (...) theories in a philosophical context. The current inquiry is both related to the aspects of how Honneth was affected by Hegel, and is also particularly focused on Hegel’s Jena period. The point of emphasis in this study is whether or not Hegel abandoned the theories of intersubjectivity and recognition after his Jena period. Therefore, the discussion focuses on Hegel’s Jena period and the aspects which distinguished this period from others. This study also critically examines the views respecting the abandonment of the recognition on the Phenomenology of Spirit and intersubjectivity after the Jena period, and suggests that recognition and intersubjectivity still retain their dominance on this work known also as Jena Phenomenology, dated as the end of the Jena period. Keywords: Honneth, Hegel, Recognition, Intersubjectivity Türkçe Özet Bu çalışma, Axel Honneth’in tanınma kuramına temel teşkil eden Hegel'in tanınma ve öznelerarasılık üzerine görüşlerinin zaman içinde değişip değişmediğini; tanınma üzerine yazan sonraki kuşak düşünürlerin Hegel’in düşünsel mirasını nasıl algıladıklarını ve görüşlerini hangi açılardan eleştirdiklerini anlamaya çalışmaktadır. Bu bakımdan, Honneth’in tanınma kuramını anlayabilmek için onun Hegel ile düşünsel bağlamda ilişkisinin sorgulanması gerektiğini ileri sürmektedir. Mevcut sorgulama, Honneth’in Hegel’den ne bağlamda ve ne şekilde etkilendiğiyle ilgili olmakla birlikte özellikle Hegel’in Jena dönemine odaklanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu makalede, Hegel’in Jena dönemi sonrası felsefesinde öznelerarasılık ve tanınma kuramlarını terk edip etmediği üzerinde durulmaktadır. Bu sebeple ilk önce Hegel’in Jena dönemi ile bu dönemi farklı kılan yönler ele alınmaktadır. Bununla birlikte, Jena dönemi sonrasında, Tinin Fenomenolojisi’nde tanınma ve öznelerarasılığın terk edildiğine dair görüşlerin yeniden gözden geçirilmesi gerektiği; Hegel’in felsefesinde Jena döneminin bitişine tarihlenen ve Jena Fenomenolojisi olarak da bilinen bu eserde tanınma ve öznelerarasılığın halen gücünü koruduğu savunulmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Honneth, Hegel, Tanınma, Öznelerarasılık. (shrink)

Ever since Donald Trump’s election in 2016, people have repeatedly spoken of a ‘right-wing identity policy’. But how is such a policy conceivable given the fact that the category of identity politics has been, so far at least, applied rather to disadvantaged and marginalized political groups? This paper explores this question and starts with an analysis of the ‘Cisgender’-category. Unlike familiar and socially embattled categories, like ‘white,’ ‘male’ or ‘heterosexual,’ it received relatively little attention so far and is insightful precisely (...) because it is still relatively unloaded. This helps to illustrate the structural position of those whom have been considered privileged and their specific characteristics and problems. In a second step, this paper reconstructs a brief epistemo-political genesis of ‘identity politics’ and tries to demonstrate on that basis, that not only did some positions have no legitimate place that could be assigned to them, but that (third step) the interrelatedness of identity and politics as it occurs here necessarily formed the seedbed for that brand of right-wing populism which appropriates identity politics for itself. However, at the point where instruments of identity politics are used to fight against other identity politics, in other words, where identity politics turns against identity politics, it has reached its own limits. (shrink)

Constellations, Volume 28, Issue 4, Page 555-569, December 2021.

In both politics and art in recent decades, there has been a dramatic shift in emphasis on representation of identity. Liberal ideals of universality and individuality have given way to a concern with the visibility and recognition of underrepresented groups. Modernist and postmodernist celebrations of disruption and subversion have been challenged by the view that representation is integral to social change. Despite this convergence, neither political nor aesthetic theory has given much attention to the increasingly central role of art in (...) debates and struggles over cultural identity in the public sphere. -/- Connecting Hegelian aesthetics with contemporary cultural politics, Jason Miller argues that both the aesthetic and political value of art are found in the reflexive self-awareness that artistic representation enables. The significance of art in modern life is that it shows us both the particular element in humanity as well as the human element in particularity. Just as Hegel asks us to acknowledge how different historical and cultural contexts produce radically different experiences of art, identity-based art calls on its audiences to situate themselves in relation to perspectives and experiences potentially quite remote—or even inaccessible—from their own. Miller offers a timely response to questions such as: How does contemporary art’s politics of perception contest liberal notions of deliberative politics? How does the cultural identity of the artist relate to the representations of cultural identity in their work? How do we understand and evaluate identity-based art aesthetically? -/- Discussing a wide range of works of art and popular culture—from Antigone to Do the Right Thing and The Wire—this book develops a new conceptual framework for understanding the representation of cultural identity that affirms art’s capacity to effect social change. (shrink)

In our contemporary society it is widely recognized that public discourse has become increasingly polemical and polarized, as claims to truth and justice are cynically dismissed as manipulative power plays. We argue first that this growth of power politics reflects the triumph of the objectifying stance of the social sciences, and the consequent loss of any distinction between legitimate and illegitimate power, and second that it is ad hominem to dismiss or accept people’s arguments simply because of their identity interests, (...) their positionality, instead of considering the explicit meaning and validity of what they say. By adopting the objectifying perspective of the social sciences, identity theorists on the left and the right reduce “power” to coercion and fail to appreciate the power of persuasion, and the normative conditions that make rational agency possible. This tendency is ultimately contemptuous of human dignity because it undermines the rational agency and moral responsibility of everyone concerned, from the objectified human subjects to the objectifying theorists. (shrink)

This paper will focus on one element of the pushback against the massive influx of immigrants taken in for humanitarian purposes, namely, an identity-based chauvinism which uses identity as the point of resistance to the perceived dilution of that identity, brought about by the transformation of culture induced by the incorporation of a foreign other. The solution to this perceived dilution is a simultaneous defence of that culture and a demand for a conformity to it. While those in the critical (...) tradition have encouraged a counter-position of revolutionary transformation by the other through ethics, dialogue, or the multitude, such a transformation is arguably impeded by what is ultimately a repetition of the metaphysics of conformity. Drawing on the personalism of Emmanuel Mounier and the Eucharistic theology of Creston Davis and Aaron Riches, this paper submits an alternative identity politics position that completes the revolutionary impulse. Identity here is not the flashpoint of a self-serving conflict, but the launch-point of politics of self-emptying, whose hallmarks include, on the one hand, a never-ending reception of transformation by the other, and on the other hand, an anchoring in the Body of Christ that is at once ever-changing and never-changing. (shrink)

Democratic governance is under increasing scrutiny as a result of waning trust in political institutions, and a widening gap between public aspirations and government performance. The purpose of this paper is to address what is currently diagnosed as a democratic deficit by calling into question the notion of consent, procedures advocated in its pursuit, and its relationship with democracy. To this purpose, the paper reviews seminal works that have investigated the nexus of democracy and consent over time: The Calculus of (...) Consent, The Engineering of Consent and Manufacturing Consent. In this, it presents different understandings of the processes whereby consent is arrived at, and questions whether they support or undermine democratic aspirations. (shrink)

An encyclopedia entry providing an overview of the philosophical issues entailed in the theory and practice of "identity politics." Open access and online. Regularly updated.

As academic literatures and political demands, global justice and populism look like competing ways of diagnosing and addressing neoliberal inequality. But both misunderstand neoliberalism and consequently risk reinforcing rather than undermining it. Neoliberalism does not just break down political and social hierarchies, but also relies on and sustains them. Unless populists recognize this, they will find that assertions of sovereignty do more to reinforce neoliberalism and reproduce its hierarchies than to resist them. Recognizing neoliberalism as not simply corrosive of solidarity (...) but also producing its own affective ties suggests that global justice advocates need to develop a critique of individual attitudes that egalitarian liberals have often seen as private and been hesitant to judge. In short, if either populism or global justice hope to take advantage of neoliberalism’s failures to advance an egalitarian politics, they need to reckon more carefully with their own entanglement with neoliberalism’s hopes and hierarchies. (shrink)

Contemporary globalization is largely shaped by the predominant position and strength of the United States, and the concept of globalization is cast upon the polity and social aspects of P.R. China after Reform and Opening. Globalization, though substantially varied in a modern scene, is not without historical and cultural roots. The future holds anew, whereas newly arisen pieces of knowledge and information shed new light on the past, the blood and violence of the political progress on the Chinese soil. This (...) paper digs into the interactive aspect of the Chinese civilization with Western Civilization, and an empirical understanding on the evolvement of the country / nation to the recent shaping, with implication of which might change the dynamic of the Asian area after the global power politics whereof after World War II. (shrink)

„Political Correctness“, „Identitätspolitik“ und „Cancel Culture“ werden heutzutage überwiegend als Waffen von Konservativen eingesetzt, um ihre Privilegien gegen emanzipative Neuregelungen zu verteidigen. Solche Neuregelungen als Einschränkung der Kunst- und Meinungsfreiheit zu kritisieren ist deshalb meist falsch. Tatsächlich tragen „Political Correctness“, „Identitätspolitik“ und „Cancel Culture“ zur inklusiveren Verwirklichung der Demokratie bei. Im Artikel zeige ich, dass es darauf ankommt, auf welcher Ebene politische Regulierungen der Kunst stattfinden: nicht-staatlich im allgemeinen Kunstbetrieb, para-staatlich im öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk, oder staatlich. Nur wenn der Staat mit (...) zentralisierter rechtlicher, ökonomischer und symbolischer Macht in laufende Debatten eingreift, kann man von problematischer Cancel Culture sprechen - das ist fast nie der Fall. (shrink)

Vor wenigen Tagen hat das Hamburger Kabarett-Theater Schmidts Tivoli die Zusammenarbeit mit dem Komiker Kay Ray beendet, offenbar weil rassistische Witze in der Show einen zentralen Platz einnehmen. Kurz nach der Cancel-Affäre zwischen Lisa Eckhart und dem Hamburger Nochtspeicher sieht sich nun auch Ray als Opfer von „Cancel Culture“, die die Kunstfreiheit immer weiter einschränke. Um die Kunst und Kunstfreiheit geht es dabei aber eigentlich gar nicht. Sie ist nur der Austragungsort gesellschaftspolitischer Auseinandersetzungen um Sexismus, Rassismus und Transphobie. Dabei sind (...) Kunstfreiheit und Meinungsfreiheit zentrale Argumente – oder besser: Waffen – des konservativen politischen Projekts geworden, mit dem emanzipative Änderungen abgewehrt werden (s. auch Schubert, in: Leviathan, 48 (1), S. 29–51). Dieser machtpolitische Missbrauch muss klar von der grundrechtlichen Dimension unterschieden werden. Dafür ist zwischen drei Ebenen Kunstfreiheit zu differenzieren: im nichtstaatlichen, parastaatlichen und staatlichen Bereich. Die Neuregelungen von Diskurs, Kultur und Kunst durch „Politische Korrektheit“, „Cancel Culture“ oder „Identitätspolitik“ bedeuten nicht den Zerfall der Demokratie, sondern sind ein Schritt in Richtung ihrer vollständigeren Realisierung. (shrink)

Karl Popper champions an open society in which all institutions, principles and values are open to criticism. Anthony O’Hear contends that Popper’s vision is utopian because an open society can survive only if some non-liberal values are assumed, including the prohibition of criticism of fundamental liberal principles and values. I correct O’Hear’s interpretation of Popper and I rebut most of his criticisms, arguing that an open society is stronger if it permits criticism of all views. However, I accept and strengthen (...) O’Hear’s rejection of Popper’s assimilation of an open society to a scientific community. I also suggest that the survival of open societies may require limits on immigration from societies permeated by Islamic fundamentalism or similar ideologies. (shrink)