Binominal Constructions

The present study aims at providing a comprehensive overview and a general theoretical framework for the research of binominal constructions of the kind [N1 of N2], where N1 belongs to the semantic domain of nature, e.g. a river of problems. Adopting a multifunctional perspective and a 'classifier-like' approach towards N1s, our main objective is to develop a functional-cognitive frame which enables to describe and explain crucial mechanisms underlying the emergence and functioning of such complex metaphorical expressions. The following issues will be discussed in detail: (i) metaphors in the semantic domain of nature, (ii) the process of metaphorization and semantic mapping in the binominal constructions and (iii) the co-semiosis between N1 and N2 and the codetermination of the binominal meaning by contextual information. The theoretical discussion is supported by real examples of use from Slavic (mainly Polish and Russian) and other Indo-European (mainly Italian and English) languages.

Este artigo investiga construções binominais quantitativas em uma perspectiva construcionista baseada no uso. Para isso, desenvolve, sobre os dados utilizados para a investigação, o método de análise colexêmica distintiva, um tipo de medida de associação entre lexema e construção, que compara duas ou mais construções alternantes. Nesse sentido, compreende-se que as construções envolvidas na análise apresentam certo grau de equivalência funcional, na medida em que expressam grande quantidade, porém apresentando diferenças sutis em termos de significado, explicitadas pelas preferências colocacionais de cada construção específica. O ponto central do artigo reside na reflexão sobre em que medida uma análise colostrucional de caráter distintivo pode contribuir para o entendimento mais profundo da organização do conhecimento linguístico do falante na forma de uma rede de construções inter-relacionadas.

1791-ben jelent meg Bécsben Kempelen Farkas könyve, Az emberi beszéd mechanizmusa, valamint a szerző beszélőgépének leírása német és francia nyelven [német címe: Wolfgangs von Kempelen, k.k. wirklichen Hofrats Mechanismus der menschlichen Sprache nebst Bechreibung seiner sprechenden Maschine. Mit XXVII Kupfertafeln. Wien bei I.B.Degen 1791.] 2 év híján 200 év múltán, 1989-ben adta ki a Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó a könyvet Mollay Károly fordításában, amely a fonetikus Tarnóczy Tamás szakmai felügyelete mellett készült. Kettejük és a szerkesztő, Szilárd Gabriella együttműködésének eredményeképpen kiváló kiadvány született, amely egyaránt kielégíti a szűkebb szakma, a nyelvészet és a tágabb értelemben vett müveit publikum érdeklődését. Az elkövetkezőkben magam is ennek a kiadásnak az adataira támaszkodom, ámbár tisztában vagyok azzal, hogy a tudományos hitelességet az eredeti kiadás használata biztosíthatná teljes mértékben -ha ilyen elérhető. Most azonban nem vagyok abban a helyzetben, hogy felkutassak egy eredeti példányt, amelyből Tarnóczy Tamás becslése szerint mintegy 20-30 darab létezhet az országban. Kempelen Farkas (1734-1804), a sakkozó automatájáról elhíresült zseniális föltaláló a felvilágosodás tipikus alakja, garabonciás, akit elbűvölnek a gépek, s aki gépeivel elkápráztatja a közönséget, akit vonz távoli világok egzotikuma, és izgatnak a múlt ködébe burkolt teremtés titkai. Teremtés és megismerés, mechanika és egzotikum, racionalizmus és misztika, agyafúrt szerkezetek és szemfényvesztő csalafintaságok jellemzik működését, mint kortársaiét: Mozartét, Csokonaiét, Sajnovicsét, Gyarmathiét és Casanováét is (ahogy Fellini láttatta velünk). E szellemi háttér előtt kell szemlélnünk Kempelennél a nyelv (és a nyelvek) létrejöttének a kérdését (makrokozmosz), s ettől nem függetlenül a nyelv működésének a mikéntjét (mikrokozmosz). Kempelen talán az első kortársai között -Ausztria-Magyarországon mindenképpen -, aki együtt szemléli a nyelv (nyelvek) genezisének és mechanizmusának a problémáját. A nyelvi genezist illetően lényegében fölveti a nyelvészetben ma is egymással vitatkozó két elvet, hogy ti. a nyelv lehet velünk született, de lehet elsajátított képességünk is (innatista vs. behaviourista fölfogás). Megfogalmazásánál jobbat, hogy "a legtágabb értelmezés szerint a nyelv az a képesség, hogy érzéseinket és gondolatainkat másokkal jelek útján közöljük" (Kempelen 1791/1989: 39) ma sem találni. Megközelítése, amelyben nem választja el az állati "nyelvet" az emberitől, megelőlegezi a modern szemiotika (humán-és zooszemiotika) felfogását. Naivan, mégis ésszerűen hangzik, amit olvasunk: "Ha a kakas mereven leeresztett szárnyakkal fordul a tyúk egyik oldala felé -ha a hím galamb szokása ellenére egyszerre páros lábbal szökell a nőstényhez, szökellés közben pedig farkával súrolja a földet, ha búgatva meghajol előtte, majd egészen felegyenesedik -mit akarnak ezek a mozdulatok kifejezni? Ó, a következmények nagyon szépen mutatják, hogy a tyúk is, a

Much (if not all) of the literature written on pseudopartitives so far has dealt with the socalled N-of-N constructions, or, in another denomination, the N1-of-N2 constructions. But nothing has been said about constructions in which, for some more or less strange reason, N2 happens to be the same as N1. The obvious question is why... Is there no such construction as the N1-of-N1 construction? Or is it simply the case that linguists have not paid enough attention to the empirical matter they were supposed to deal with? The aim of the following paper is to try and give an answer to the questions above. In so doing, the paper will mainly focus on Romanian data, and test whether constructions such as băiat de băiat (‘boy of boy’), fată de fată (‘girl of girl’), sentiment de sentiment (‘feeling of feeling’) a. o. can be subsumed under the name of “qualitative N-of-N constructions”.

Constructional models of grammar are helpful tools for the analysis and description of un(der)-studied languages, leading to more accurate analyses. This is despite the fact that as a whole, working with and describing un(der)studied languages has been afforded little or no room in theoretical or empirical discussions in the Construction Grammar community. In particular, we suggest here that The Constructicon is a useful tool for the description and analysis of individual functional domains, and that thinking in Constructicon terms is likely to improve the accuracy of descriptions, reduce descriptive ambiguity, and point at areas of incipient and completed grammaticalization. To illustrate this, we focus on the domain of nominal modification in two typologically distinct languages: Alsea (Oregon Coast Penutian / Isolate; Oregon, USA) and U̠ t-Ma'in (Niger-Congo, Kainji; Nigeria). We analyze the domain of nominal modification in each language as composed of sets of constructional families with different typologies of vertical and horizontal connections between them. This exercise illustrates how this type of work may contribute to typological comparisons of whole functional domains. Further, using Constructicons in descriptions allows scholars to explore general properties of constructional-networks based on a more linguistically diverse, and hence representative, picture.

he study aims at investigating the neoclassical formations in English and
Arabic. Two fundamental issues are addressed, the first is the
morphological status of the constituents or elements of such formations in
both languages. The second issue is the morphological consideration of
neoclassical word formation system that is involved in the combination of
such elements. The answer to the first issue depends on the descriptive
analytic type of methodology that shows that the neoclassical elements are
heterogeneous word elements which are having different morphological,
phonological, semantic… etc. properties. The answer to the second issue
depends on theoretical minimalist frameworks that the study is proposing
in addition to other theoretical frameworks that were adopted which prove
the neoclassical word formation system to be an independent word
formation system having its own properties that distinguish it from other
word formation systems.

IP-domain). I show that this distinction is reflected in a different distribution of universal quantifiers that appear in front of the determiner (henceforth 'predeterminer UQ'). 2. Problem: Zwarts (1992) observes that the Dutch pre-determiner UQ comes in two types: al 'all' and heel 'whole'. They appear to be in complementary distribution: the first one, al 'all', occurs with definite mass readings (1) and def. plural NPs (2). The second one, heel 'whole', selects def. singulars (3). English does not make this distinction: def. mass readings (4), def. pl. NPs (5) and def. sg. NPs (6) all take all as a pre-determiner UQ. 3. Proposal: At first sight, it seems that English just lacks a pre-determiner UQ specifically marked for the feature [sg]. I propose, however, that this variation between Dutch and English is a reflection of a more fundamental divergence, i.e. a difference in the number of functional heads in the NP's countability domain. More specifically, Dutch heel is licensed by a functional head responsible for unit readings. English lacks this head and therefore also this fine-grained distinction between heel and al. 4. Background: In what follows, I present Dutch countability facts. Following Borer (2005), I assume that the default reading for all nouns is mass and that functional projections can be added to the NP to add semantic features to the noun. 5. Data: Dutch has a mass reading and two different types of count readings: kind readings and unit readings. (i) mass readings: Mass readings (7) do not allow for any low functional structure in Dutch: they do not allow for number marking (8) or diminutives (9). As pointed out above, they do not allow for the pre-determiner UQ heel, but they do take all (1). (ii) kind readings: A kind reading can be paraphrased a 'a kind of'. Semantically, it is odd to ask about the size of a kind (10). Further, as a count reading, it allows for singular and plural marking (11-12). It does not, however, allow for a diminutive (13-14), neither does it allow for heel (15). Plural kind readings allow for all, though (16). (iii) unit readings: A unit reading can be paraphrased as a 'piece/specimen/portion of'. Semantically, it is normal to ask about the size of a unit (17). It allows for singular and plural marking (18-19). It also allows for a diminutive (18-19) (cf. Wiltschko 2007) and sg. unit readings allow for heel (20). Pl. unit readings allow for all (21). 6. Analysis 6.1 Dutch heel: (i) For Dutch kind readings, I assume the presence of the functional projection DivP that is realized as number marking and that hosts the feature [Div] (Borer 2005). This feature serves to divide the mass stuff into countable items. (ii) For Dutch unit readings, I propose an additional piece of structure, that can be realized as the diminutive. This projection assigns size to the noun. The pre-determiner UQ heel then is marked for this feature [Size]. It therefore merges in Spec,SizeP where it checks its [Size] feature. From (1-3) it follows further that it is marked for the features [sg] and [def]. It therefore raises via Spec,DivP (in order to check [sg]) to Spec,DP (in order to check [Def]) (22). 6.2 Dutch al: Apparently, the UQ al can take any non-singular definite DP as its complement without any further structural requirements. For the mass readings it therefore merges directly into Spec,DP to check its [def] feature. For the count readings, it merges into Spec,DivP to check its [non-sg] feature and then it raises to Spec,DP. 6.3 English: Like Dutch, English distinguishes between mass and count readings by means of number marking. However, it has no functional syntactic means to set unit readings apart from kind readings. Indeed, all English count readings are completely homonymous between kinds and units (23). I therefore propose that there is no reason to assume a functional SizeP for English. It follows that a UQ specifically marked for [size] is redundant and even impossible in this system: it could never check its feature. As a result, English all can appear in all circumstances. It is void of any features but definiteness. It therefore merges in Spec,DP. 7. Extension: I will discuss other Germanic languages that behave like Dutch, like Norwegian. Norwegian makes use of a closed class of morphemes to distinguish between kinds and units, such as-bit 'piece' and-slurk 'sip' and equally has the al-heel distinction. 8. Conclusion: In this talk, I relate interlinguistic variation in pre-determiner universal quantifiers to variation in the low functional domain of the DP. I conclude that languages can have the specific heel quantifier if they also have a SizeP, as heel is marked for the feature [Size].

Este artigo investiga construções binominais quantitativas em uma perspectiva construcionista baseada no uso. Para isso, desenvolve, sobre os dados utilizados para a investigação, o método de análise colexêmica distintiva, um tipo de medida de associação entre lexema e construção, que compara duas ou mais construções alternantes. Nesse sentido, compreende-se que as construções envolvidas na análise apresentam certo grau de equivalência funcional, na medida em que expressam grande quantidade, porém apresentando diferenças sutis em termos de significado, explicitadas pelas preferências colocacionais de cada construção específica. O ponto central do artigo reside na reflexão sobre em que medida uma análise colostrucional de caráter distintivo pode contribuir para o entendimento mais profundo da organização do conhecimento linguístico do falante na forma de uma rede de construções inter-relacionadas.

Our usage case-study on binominal quantifiers in Spanish illustrates the role of syntagmatic analogy in textual coherence (synchrony) and in constructional change (diachrony). Quantifying nouns (QN) display a quantifying potential next to the original lexical meaning, as they designate containers (brazada ‘armful’), configurations (racimo ‘bunch’) or collective entities (tropel ‘mob, heap’). When followed by a PP indicating the mass, the QNs can be considered binominal quantifiers (un montonN1 de genteN2 ‘a heap of people’). Syntagmatic analogy involves mutual accommodation (1) between the QN and the N2 and (2) between the binominal phrase and the wider discourse context. Synchronically, the QN functions as a coherence device: in line with its source semantics, it imposes a specific conceptual image on the N2 it quantifies (Verveckken 2012); e.g., un alud de gente ‘an avalanche of people’ profiles the N2 gente as a dynamic entity arriving suddenly and at once, while un tropel de gen...

This paper introduces the Vedic Compound Dataset (VCD), the first resource providing annotated compounds from Vedic Sanskrit, a South Asian Indo-European language used from ca. 1500 to 500 BCE. The VCD aims at facilitating the study of language change in early Indo-Iranian and offers comparative material for quantitative cross-linguistic research on compounds. The process of annotating Vedic compounds is complex as they contain five of the six basic types of compounds defined by Scalise and Bisetto (2005), which are, however, not consistently marked in morphosyntax, making their automatic classification a significant challenge. The paper details the process of collecting and preprocessing the relevant data, with a particular focus on the question of how to distinguish exocentric from endocentric usage. It further discusses experiments with a simple ML classifier that uses compound internal syntactic relations, outlines the composition of the dataset, and sketches directions for future research.

A key feature of binominal lexemes is the unstated (or underspecified) relation, ℜ, that pertains between the two major constituents. The nature of ℜ -- the kinds of relations -- has been the topic of considerable research during recent decades. While early studies focused almost exclusively on English, the last few years have seen a spate of work on other languages. Unfortunately, this work has been uncoordinated and each researcher entering the field has tended to devise their own classification, making it difficult to compare results and advance our understanding of the phenomenon. This is a pity, because such an understanding has the potential to provide insights into the nature of concept combination and the associative character of human thought. The purpose of this chapter is to present a well-documented, systematic classification of semantic relations that operates at multiple levels of granularity and is suitable for reuse across languages.

This chapter starts by demonstrating the need for the comparative concept 'binominal lexeme' in order to cover both 'noun-noun compounds' and their 'functional equivalents' (§1). To complement this informal definition, four different, but compatible definitions of binominal lexeme are developed: functional, onomasiological, formal and typological (§2). Although couched in a variety of terms based on different theoretical frameworks, these have essentially identical extensions. In §3 a nine-way classification of binominal strategies is presented, together with the mnemonics used throughout this volume: jxt, cmp, der, cls; prp, gen, adj, con, and dbl. These nine types are represented on a two-dimensional grid that captures the number of markers, the locus of marking and the degree of fusion. The grid reveals two lacunae or "missing types": prn and nml. Whereas the first of these probably exists somewhere in the world's languages, the second seems to be a logical impossibility. §4 discusses types that are intermediate between the nine main types and the grammaticalization pathways that produce them. It then goes on to examine the relationship between binominal constructions and adnominal possessives, and introduces a new methodology, based on the Pwav scale, for comparing two non-binary constructions. This leads to the formulation of two Greenbergian universals concerning binominals and nominal modification.

Dutch: (2) a. een boom van een kerel 'a tree of a man' b. een juweeltje van een universiteit 'a jewel-DIM of a university' French: (3) a. un diable d'homme 'a devil of a man' b. cet imbécile de Jules César 'this idiot of a Julius Caesar' German: (4) a. ein Engel von einer Frau 'an angel of a woman' b. so ein Apparat von Karton 'such a monster of a box' Kim and Sells Binominal NP

The book How to edit translations of English legal and economic documents? Correct Polish language for translators (Jak redagować przekłady angielskich dokumentów prawniczych i gospodarczych? Poprawna polszczyzna dla tłumaczy) discusses key difficulties in translation of legal English documents into Polish (or the other way around). The Authors argue that, despite fluency in two or more languages, professional translators often take their mother tongue for granted. This in turn leads to proliferation of semantic (and syntactic) calques from English and, as a result, greater homogenisation of the Polish language. Moreover, they point out that the lack of naturalness in legal translation may be misleading to the recipient, thus recommending adopting, to some extent, the domestication strategy along with the functional approach.

This paper is concerned with the derivational affix-i, which is shown to represent a subclass of a new category in Hungarian grammar, that of the nominal modifier, since it is demonstrated not to derive adjectives per se, as has been taken for granted so far. The affix can be added to either words or phrases. When it attaches to words the derivative behaves like relational adjectives, but it occurs in the same positions as nominal modifiers, as distinct from constituents of compounds. When it attaches to phrases its 'base' is almost always referential, setting it apart from ordinary derivational affixes. Its behaviour with respect to arguments and conceptual-semantic frames in complex event nominals versus result nominals is also examined.

Recent work in Distributed Morphology, most prominently Harley (2014), argues for roots being able to take syntactic complements, which opens the door for the possibility of having syntactic features within a root’s representation – something most DM literature rejects (Embick 2015). Upon a closer inspection of the arguments presented in the literature, it is not clear whether the disagreement has an empirical underpinning, or whether it stems from the lack of methodological clarity as far as the identification of the precise nature of what constitutes a syntactic feature. This paper takes this methodological question seriously and investigates a type of derivational behavior that, in our view, provides a decisive argument for the presence of syntactic features on roots. We argue that the presence of a syntactic feature on the root can be conclusively established based on a feature’s impact on specific properties within a larger syntactic structure. Based on empirical evidence form ...

English Binominal NPs (BNP) (e.g., a hell of a problem) are of empirical and theoretical interest due to their complex syntactic and semantic properties. In this paper, we review some basic properties of the BNP construction, focusing on its headedness, semantic relations, and the role of the preposition of. We argue that these properties suggest an account in the spirit of construction grammar. In particular, we show that English BNP is a nominal juxtaposition construction whose special syntactic constraints are linked to semantic relations like a subject-predicate relation.

This paper discusses the properties of the quite de construction in the Baie Sainte-Marie, Nova Scotia variety of Acadian French in examples such as le/un quite de souper 'quite the/a supper' which have a hyperbolic connotation. Unlike epithet nouns and other French binominals (and Romance more generally), we argue that this Acadian French construction contains a complex DP with a unique N with an expanded left nominal periphery (cf. Giusti 2005, 2006, 2012). In order to unify its syntactic and semantic properties, we propose an analysis where [ Adv quite] is a scalar Focus head (following Kayne's 1998 treatment of scalar only), with a null M(easurement) Op(erator) (Rett 2008, 2011) in its specifier. This MOP is associated with a degree argument (i.e. N) bound by existential closure, which forces its linearization within the predicate domain (cf. Diesing 1992). Lastly, we show that de in the AF 'quite de' construction cannot be construed as a linker (pace den Dikken 2004, 2006) or as a P category (pace Kayne 1994), but it is best analysed as a nominal functor (cf. Ihsane 2013) at the Comp-Infl interface whose role is to recategorize a referential DP into a property denoting DP.

In this paper, we discuss functional aspects of the Modal construction with ficar de + infinitive. We aim to analyze semantic, sociointeractional and cognitive factors in instances of that construction. The theoretical support is the Usage-Based Functional Linguistics and the Construction Grammar. Our database is instances taken from the website Reclame Aqui. Regarding to semantics, the research findings reveal that there is no constraint in the type of verb gathered to fill in the infinitive slot of the construction and its use is related to the notions of modality in its deontic and or epistemic aspects. Regarding to sociointeractional and cognitive aspects, we also observed that the instances of use of ficar de + inifinitive are related to (inter)subjectivity, meaning negotiation and metaphorical and metonymic processes.

Partindo da concepção de língua adotada pela Gramática de Construções (CROFT, 2001) e da perspectiva construcional da mudança (TRAUGOTT; TROUSDALE, 2013; TEIXEIRA; ROSÁRIO, 2016), objetivamos, neste estudo, analisar o deslizamento de domínio funcional do que nem na Língua Portuguesa. Para tanto, ancoramo-nos nos estudos de Vieira e Sousa (2019), que se debruçaram na investigação do que nem como conector e na análise construcional empreendida por Sambrana (2017) a respeito dos Marcadores Discursivos (MDs). Como recurso metodológico, utilizamos os dados de fala dos Corpora Popular e Culto de Vitória da Conquista, além de empregarmos o método qualitativo para a análise dos dados.  Os resultados mostraram que o que nem está em processo de deslocamento de domínio funcional e passa a integrar, também, a rede construcional dos MDs, na rota [QUE NEM]conect --> [QUE NEM]md, sendo utilizado, sobretudo, com a função de manutenção do turno conversacional.

Este trabalho consiste em um estudo de construcoes binominais quantificadoras do tipo SN1 de SN2 no portugues brasileiro sob a otica da Linguistica Baseada no Uso ( Bybee, 2010; Barlow; Kemmer 2000; Boyland, 2009 ), associando os pressupostos da Gramatica de Construcoes ( Goldberg, 2006; Diessel, 2015; Hilpert, 2014; Perek, 2015 ) com o Modelo de Exemplares ( Bybee, 2006; 2010; 2013; Pierrehumbert, 2001 ). Com o intuito de descrever o modo como ocorre a distribuicao dessas construcoes no uso da lingua, nos comparamos quatro microconstrucoes quantitativas, a saber DET monte de SN , DET montanha de SN , DET enxurrada de SN e DET chuva de SN , em relacao as quais foi realizada uma analise colexemica (GRIES; STEFANOWITSCH, 2004). Os resultados indicaram que as referidas microconstrucoes, que se assemelham funcionalmente, possuem preferencias colocacionais proprias, as quais foram associadas a maior ou menor coerencia semântica entre os nomes das colocacoes encontradas. Por exemplo, enqu...

Este artigo investiga construções binominais quantitativas em uma perspectiva construcionista baseada no uso. Para isso, desenvolve, sobre os dados utilizados para a investigação, o método de análise colexêmica distintiva, um tipo de medida de associação entre lexema e construção, que compara duas ou mais construções alternantes. Nesse sentido, compreende-se que as construções envolvidas na análise apresentam certo grau de equivalência funcional, na medida em que expressam grande quantidade, porém apresentando diferenças sutis em termos de significado, explicitadas pelas preferências colocacionais de cada construção específica. O ponto central do artigo reside na reflexão sobre em que medida uma análise colostrucional de caráter distintivo pode contribuir para o entendimento mais profundo da organização do conhecimento linguístico do falante na forma de uma rede de construções inter-relacionadas.

O artigo apresenta uma discussão a respeito dos usos da cadeia sintagmática um monte de seguida de SN numa perspectiva construcional. Defende-se a tese, baseada na teoria de mudança linguística proposta por Traugott e Trousdale (2013), de que haja uma microconstrução mais nova na história do português – um monte de [SN] – dentro do esquema dos quantificadores. Essa microconstrução se formou a partir de usos mais periféricos da construção [um [monte] de SN]. Segundo os autores, no caso de mudança gramatical, há aumento de esquematicidade e de produtividade e diminuição de composicionalidade. Para verificar esses três parâmetros, foram considerados seis testes que verificam tanto aspectos formais como semântico-pragmáticos, com o intuito de demonstrar que um monte de quantitativo funciona sintaticamente como modificador de SN – [um monte de [SN]].

The study presents a contrastive Italian-Polish-Russian analysis of the left-headed binominal constructions of the type [N1 of N2] composed of the metaphorical classifier It. montagna, Pol. góra, Russ. gora 'mountain'. The main aim of the study is to describe and compare semantic and structural properties of such a construction from a cognitive-functional and usage-based perspective. A contrastive and corpus-based approach makes it possible to verify how the MOUNTAIN metaphor is expressed in the three languages and to describe cross-linguistic similarities and differences with respect to its linguistic expression. Despite a basic similarity of the figurative mappings, our findings show that the metaphor is grammaticalized to quite different degrees in the examined languages, resulting far more salient and spread in Italian than in Polish and Russian.

The article deals with the investigation of binominal substantival phrases known as close appositions. A special emphasis is laid on the morpho-syntactic, semantic and pragmatic peculiarities of these constructions. The issue of headedness within these structures, the hierarchy of components in particular, is touched upon. It is found out that the relative function of any linguistic elements can be determined by means of omissibility. On the background of this investigation it is pointed out that neither element within the construction is referential. Both elements can be used independently to refer to the same entity and the semantic relation between them is one of modification. So, the two elements in a close apposition can be reversed and the resulting constructions are acceptable from a syntactic and semantic point of view though their internal structure and communicative function may be diverse. Structural components such as determiners and adjectives which serve as modifiers of proper nouns are highlighted.

Larisa Ponomareva (komi-permják), Onerva Lepistö (finn), Heete Sahkai (észt), Tatiana Efremova (mezei mari), Anastasiya Saypasheva (keleti mari) és Irina Burukina (orosz) anyanyelvi beszélőknek. Köszönjük F. Gulyás Nikolettnek és Tánczos Orsolyának a finnugor adatok gyűjtéséhez és értelmezéséhez nyújtott segítségüket. Ezt a kutatást az MTA Prémium Posztdoktori Programja (PPD-011/2017), az 'Uráli nyelvek névszói szerkezetei' (NKFIH FK 125206) és a 'Veszélyeztetett uráli nyelvek szintaxis-elméleti és magyar nyelvtörténeti tanulságai' (NKFIH KKP 129921) projektumok támogatták. Minden esetleges hiba a szerzők felelőssége.

lorencestaresa en uniovi es Resumen Algunas expresiones lingüísticas están especializadas en presentar el tema del que se habla o en introducir un cambio de tema en el discurso. Se seleccionan aquí tres de ellas, en relación con, por cierto y a propósito (de), con el fin de determinar sus diferencias en el plano gramatical (nivel de fijación de sus componentes y relación sintáctica con la oración) y su rendimiento en el discurso como elementos cohesionadores de la estructura informativa del texto.

A nyelvi tények, valamint a történeti-összehasonlító nyelvtudomány mai álláspontja szerint a magyar nyelv az uráli nyelvek családjába, a finnugor nyelvágba, és az ugor nyelvek csoportjába tartozik.
Az uráli nyelvcsalád onnan kapta a nevét, hogy ezek a nyelvek az Urál hegység két oldalán helyezkednek el: a finn-permi ág nyelvei (a finnségi, a mordvin, a mari és a permi nyelvek), valamint a magyar európai nyelvek, az obi-ugor (manysi és hanti), továbbá a szamojéd ág nyelvei (a nyenyc, enyec, nganaszan és a szölkup) az ázsiai oldalon találhatók.

El presente trabajo pretende explorar las relaciones intrelingüísticas que se establecen en las estructuras partitivas o clasificativas relacionadas con el campo de la emoción en inglés y español. En concreto, se estudiaron dos corpus de lengua real. Por un lado, GloWbE para la lengua inglesa y Corpus del español Web/ Dialects para la española. De los resultados obtenidos se creó una taxonomía con las expresiones encontradas en los corpus siguiendo las teorías de estudios publicados anteriormente para poder así estudiar las posibles implicaciones didácticas y traductológicas que de ellos pudieran derivar

Partindo da concepção de língua adotada pela Gramática de Construções (CROFT, 2001) e da perspectiva construcional da mudança (TRAUGOTT; TROUSDALE, 2013; TEIXEIRA; ROSÁRIO, 2016), objetivamos, neste estudo, analisar o deslizamento de domínio funcional do que nem na Língua Portuguesa. Para tanto, ancoramo-nos nos estudos de Vieira e Sousa (2019), que se debruçaram na investigação do que nem como conector e na análise construcional empreendida por Sambrana (2017) a respeito dos Marcadores Discursivos (MDs). Como recurso metodológico, utilizamos os dados de fala dos Corpora Popular e Culto de Vitória da Conquista, além de empregarmos o método qualitativo para a análise dos dados.  Os resultados mostraram que o que nem está em processo de deslocamento de domínio funcional e passa a integrar, também, a rede construcional dos MDs, na rota [QUE NEM]conect --> [QUE NEM]md, sendo utilizado, sobretudo, com a função de manutenção do turno conversacional.

Tendo como pilares teóricos a Semântica de Frames (FILLMORE, 1982) e a Gramática das Construções (GOLDBERG, 1995), este projeto tem por objeto a Construção de Quantificação Indefinida com Determinantes Polilexêmicos no PB; uma construção que pode ser ilustrada por instanciações do tipo: uma enxurrada de críticas, um mar de problemas, uma floresta de pincéis, uma enchente de mentiras, uma galáxia de gênios. A estrutura dessa Construção pode ser assim esquematizada: UM(A) N1 DE N2; sendo N1 o núcleo da construção e N2 o objeto quantificado. Este projeto é desenvolvido no âmbito da FrameNet Brasil, que vem construindo (desde 2007) uma fonte de pesquisa lexical para o Português do Brasil (PB) baseada em frames e sustentada por evidências de corpus. Uma das frentes de trabalho da FN-Br é a implementação de um Constructicon, que seria, simplificadamente, um repertório de construções do PB. Pretende-se, portanto, que a rede de Construções de Quantificação Indefinida possa ser incluída ness...

Aspectos del lenguaje económico español y alemán: cuantificadores y expresiones de cantidad en contraste Magazin 24 13 Alice Stender: Aspectos interculturales del lenguaje económico español y alemán: cuantificadores y expresiones de cantidad en contraste.

In Italian appositive compounds like parola chiave 'keyword', the non-head constituent (N2) often undergoes a metaphorical interpretation and behaves like an adjective, emphasising a property of the head (N1). The main research question of the work described in this paper is: Are these really nounclad adjectives? Specifi cally: (i) Do N2s "formally" show a morpho-syntactic behaviour typical of adjectives? (ii) Do N2s "semantically" show a selection of features that are normally associated with real adjectives modifying N1 (e.g. riunione lunga lit. meeting long 'extremely long meeting' and riunione fi ume lit. meeting river 'a never-ending meeting')? We have designed some corpus-based studies to address these questions, and we observed that (i) "formally", N2s do share some of the typical properties of adjectives, but not all, thus implying gradience in the defi nition of part-of-speech classes; (ii) "semantically", N2s do behave like adjectives and the implied sense of N2 can be obtained via objective criteria, exploiting corpus data.

Dutch has a construction consisting of a verbal part and something else: ′wɛrksə ‘enjoy your work’ (< werk ‘to work’), ′rujzə ‘enjoy your rowing’ (< roei ‘to row’). According to accepted wisdom, this ‘success imperative’, as it is known in the literature, consists of an imperative and a pronoun ze ‘them’. The paper challenges the standard analysis and investigates two alternatives: an imperative form plus a modal particle, and a verbal stem plus an inflectional ending.

Of special relevance for the NP vs. DP debate are nominals in which the determiner has other values for number, gender, case and/or person than the noun, for depending on whether such nominals share these values with the noun or with the determiner they provide evidence in favor of either the NP or the DP approach. This paper discusses some nominals of this kind and shows that they share the relevant feature values with the noun. It then develops an NP analysis for these nominals which is cast in the notation of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. It also shows what a DP analysis would look like. A comparison reveals that the NP analyses are less complex, more uniform and less stipulative. Examples are taken from Dutch, English, German, French, Italian, Spanish, Polish and Serbo-Croatian.

Since around the past fifteen years, contemporary studies in the field of functional linguistics have been more thoroughly turning to assumptions and frameworks built up by cognitive linguistics. Taking into consideration such an interface, the present work aims to assess processes of constructionalization ‒ more precisely, processes of semantic change ‒ relative to the semantic dimension of a specific micro-construction, that is, the Portuguese noun “situação”, a nominalization with the suffix -ção, taking conceptual metaphor as an analytical basis. This analysis explore an online corpus of posts on Twitter (Twitter Inc.), made by regular users of the social network. A relevant result implies that the meanings conveyed by contemporary uses of both “situação”, as well as its plural form “situações”, mostly relinquish the both basic (or literal) and metaphorical meanings of the verb “situar”, from which those micro-constructions stem.KEYWORDS: Constructionalization; Semantic change; ...

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The paper investigates pre-D non-possessor positions in Hungarian. In Hungarian, non-deverbal nominal constructions containing pre-D non-possessor positions are acceptable only if they contain a demonstrative pronoun and also an adjective, and the appearance of a pre-D possessor does not impact the acceptability of the sentence. The paper also gives a brief discussion of similar constructions with pre-D non-possessors in German, mainly to shed light on the Hungarian data. Although German also allows for pre-D non-possessors, it does so under different conditions. A short topicalized element can readily appear in German sentences as a non-possessor dependent, but in this language a possessor can never appear in the same noun phrase. The paper also discusses deverbal nominal constructions with pre-D non-possessor dependents in Hungarian. In these constructions the presence of a possessor argument is indispensable. This is due to the fact that the placement of the non-possessor argumen...

The topic of this paper is the internal syntax of the extraordinarily rich palette of Dutch expressions corresponding to English (right) up to the end, featuring six subtly different surface outputs, differing with respect to the number of adpositional elements, the number of occurrences of a particular adpositional element ("doubling"), and the linear order of the various subconstituents of the complex PP. The paper proposes a maximally integrated syntax for these adpositional phrases, and in the process addresses the details of phrasal and head-movement operations taking place within the complex PP. In closing, the paper briefly examines the properties of the antonym of (right) up to the end, viz., (right) from the beginning (on), and signals clear similarities and striking differences between the two.

For a little more than a century, a new quantifier has been developing in Norwegian: masse 'a lot, lots, many, much'. The article compares the quantifier to its source noun masse 'matter, mass, large amount'. The historical development is studied based on several corpora. The development of a new quantifier is seen in the larger picture of the variability of measure noun constructions and the tendency for certain kinds of measure nouns to grammaticalize into quantifiers.

Dutch has a construction consisting of a verbal part and something else: ′wɛrksə ‘enjoy your work’ (< werk ‘to work’), ′rujzə ‘enjoy your rowing’ (< roei ‘to row’). According to accepted wisdom, this ‘success imperative’, as it is known in the literature, consists of an imperative and a pronoun ze ‘them’. The paper challenges the standard analysis and investigates two alternatives: an imperative form plus a modal particle, and a verbal stem plus an inflectional ending.

It is a matter of fact that the pragmatic reading of a construction is closely related to what is understood as the syntactic or morphological head of the structure. However, given a certain thematic relation between two nouns, human languages manage to convey a second optional reading related to another constituent. Exploring some of the thematic relations between nouns, Castillo (2001) has used the term “possessive” to embrace all of them. He examines syntactic issues such as the expression of number and the subcategorization features of the nouns acting as head of the construction and he mainly shows that there is a marked differentiation between what is considered lexical-conceptual and what is considered intentional. This paper explores Basque measure phrases, i.e. the Basque syntactical expressions of measures of mass, which is one of the possessive relations considered in Castillo’s dissertation. In general, we deal with (non-)specific and mass/count readings, but we focus on...

Aspectos del lenguaje económico español y alemán: cuantificadores y expresiones de cantidad en contraste Magazin 24 13 Alice Stender: Aspectos interculturales del lenguaje económico español y alemán: cuantificadores y expresiones de cantidad en contraste.

In this paper, we expand Morzycki (2009)’s claims that degree readings of size adjectives are attributed to syntax. We introduce a corpus-based analysis in Dutch to verify and extend his claim into the semantic domain. Using the LASSY Treebank, we extract syntactic and semantic properties of noun phrases consisting of the adjectives “gigantisch”, “kolossaal”, and “reusachtig ” and manually annotate each adjective-noun pair with a gradable or nongradable label. Using these features, we construct a statistical model based on logistic regression and find that the grammatical role, definiteness, and particular semantic noun groups derived from Cornetto (a Dutch WordNet with referential relations) have a significant effect on the likelihood that an adjective-noun pair is interpreted by the reader to have a degree reading. 1.

This paper explores from a cognitive linguistic perspective the continuity between lexical and semigrammaticalized uses of the lexeme caudal in the noun phrase of the type [Det. caudal N1 de N2] in written peninsular Spanish. This structure yields various constructional schemas, going from [[Det. + N1] ([de + N2])] with N1 as nucleus, and more or less lexicalized [Det. N1 de N2] collocations, to [[Det. N1 de] N2] with N2 as nucleus. The meaning of the nominal caudal, linked to the fl uvial scenery, presents various quantitative, spatial, tempo-aspectual and qualitative components that predispose it to metaphorical projection from the hydric domain to other domains. In the binominal quantifying construction [[un caudal de] N2] caudal keeps some nominal distributional properties, and certain facets of its lexical meaning persist as well. While the degree of schematization or semantic bleaching varies in function of N2 and of the wider context, caudal does not only quantify N2, it at the same time endows it with an aspectual-appreciatory dimension essentially conceived of in terms of fl uidity, continuity and accumulation, i.e., situating N2 in an evolutionary perspective.

Sur la base d'une analyse de corpus, cet article propose de reconnaitre la sous-classe des "Noms Legers ", dans laquelle peut se detacher une classe de Noms Support. Les Noms Support, a certains conditions syntagmatiques (par ex., lorsqu'ils entrent dans des construction specifiques), partagent des proprietes avec les Verbes Supports, car ils agissent comme marqueurs de traits grammaticaux comme la numerabilite et l'aspect. La construction envisage dans l'article est du type [N1 de N2], N1 etant le Nom Support et N2 le nom determine. La recherche se base sur des donnees italiennes, mais elle presente aussi des evidences suggerant que la notion de Nom Support a egalement une validite interlangues.