By considering the history of bioethics and international humanitarian law, Joseph J. Fins contends that bioethics as an academic and moral community should stand in solidarity with Ukraine as it defends freedom and civility.

This article explores the evolution of business ethics in Ukraine over 32 years of independence, highlighting the intersection of socio-economic transformation, legal frameworks, and business culture. The study identifies key influences, including anti-corruption laws and competitive fairness initiatives, while showcasing the impact of public organizations like the Ukrainian Network of Integrity and Compliance (UNIC). The role of education, particularly the inclusion of business ethics in Ukrainian higher education since the late 1990s, is analyzed through academic curricula and literature. Insights (...) from the Global Survey of Business Ethics (GSBE) reveal gaps between academic theory and business practice, as well as emerging ethical priorities shaped by Ukraine’s post-war recovery. The article emphasizes the significance of compliance, integrity, and corporate social responsibility as essential components of modern business ethics. Recommendations include strengthening academic-business collaborations and integrating practical case studies to bridge theoretical and applied/business ethics. (shrink)

In Matthew 24, Jesus prophesied to his disciples about ‘wars and rumours of wars’ and other eschatological birth-pangs to prepare them in advance on how they are to be responding to eschatological events as they would be unfolding in the interim of his ascension and his promised Parousia. What then does Jesus mean by enlisting ‘wars and rumours of wars’ in this eschatological era to be functioning as ‘the beginning of birth-pangs’ and how should Christians be responding to wars and (...) rumours of wars as eschatological birth-pangs? Employing the redaction exegetical method, this study focuses on interpreting Matthew 24:6−8 to explain what Jesus most probably meant as he enlisted ‘wars and rumours of wars’ as eschatological birth-pangs; and with special reference to the Russia–Ukraine war that broke out on 24 February 2022, recommends from the Olivet prophecy how Christians are to be righteously responding to ‘wars and rumours of wars’ as eschatological birth-pangs. Contribution: This study explored Matthew 24:6−8 to unveil what Jesus means by enlisting wars and rumours of wars as eschatological birth-pangs. With special reference to the Russian military invasion of Ukraine, theological highlights were recommended on how Christians are to be responding to war and war rumours as end-time birth-pains. (shrink)

War in Ukraine and the Russian annexation of Crimea are the events that changed the US policy towards Russia. The events in Ukraine forced the United States to take a closer look at Eastern and Central Europe. The United States’ policy during the Ukrainian crisis has been limited to sanctions and strong statements so far because in Ukraine there is an asymmetry of interests. Ukraine is much more important to Russia than to the United States. The (...) United States may be willing to support the democratic and western aspiration of Ukrainians but will not risk a major conflict with Russia over it. However the crisis in Ukraine is not only about Ukraine or Russia. It is also about US credibility around the world. Both friends and foes are watching closely the American reaction to the situation. That is why the United States has increased its military presence in those NATO countries that share borders with Russia. (shrink)

The conflict in Ukraine indicates some of the features of a potential post-liberal order and raises several potential ethical issues that may arise for international interventions as the world changes. What types of interventions, if any, are justifiable in response to situations such as the one in Ukraine? Can interventions be permissible given the potential undermining of universalist claims that are often used to support them? How should states prioritize between situations if there is an even greater number (...) of global challenges in a post-liberal order? Three new books—Solferino 21 by Hugo Slim, Decolonizing Human Rights by Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim, and Promoting Justice across Borders by Lucia Rafanelli—can help to navigate these questions. Drawing on their insights, this essay argues that reform interventions can be justified to defend the liberal international order, that intervention can be defended from a relativist basis, and that socioeconomic rights should be given greater priority. (shrink)

This article is devoted to the roots of the developments that have taken place in Ukraine since Autumn 2013 and up to the Russian invasion. It stresses the historical differences between Ukraine and Russia, presents the international milieu of Ukrainian independence in the years 1991–2013, and ends with a description of the nature of the Maidan revolution and the pan-European challenge created by the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The main thesis is that the struggle for Ukraine (...) ends the post-Cold War epoch marked with an illusion of eternal peace in Europe and with the groundless hope for Russian imperialism to expire. (shrink)

For most readers, myself included, the views and opinions on the Russian attack and consequent war in Ukraine are dependent on the main media houses, who present the situation in a certain language. In this article, Badiou’s understanding of democratic materialism (languages and bodies) will be explored within the context of the war, and how language is used to order bodies into categories of good and evil. In democratic materialism, there are only bodies and languages, but no truth. The (...) question that will be explored in these few pages is, is there a way beyond democratic materialism via truth towards a materialist dialectic? Contribution: The paper contributes to the current discussion on the war in Ukraine and tries to make sense of the geopolitical context of the war. It then seeks to engage with these discourses from a theological perspective. (shrink)

One of the most pronounced features of the war in Ukraine has been the heavy reliance of the Russian forces on convict-soldiers, most notably by the private military and security company (PMSC) the Wagner Group. In this essay, I explore the ethical problems with using convict-soldiers and assess how using them compares to other military arrangements, such as conscription or an all-volunteer force. Overall, I argue that the central issue with using prisoners to fight wars is their perceived expendability. (...) To do this, I present three arguments. First, although many prisoners have been under major duress, using convict-soldiers may be somewhat preferable to using conscripts in this regard. Second, convict-soldiers are more likely to be subject to human rights abuses than other types of soldiers and this should be seen as the main problem with their use. Third, convict-soldiers’ liability to lethal force for fighting in an unjust war does not render it permissible to treat them as expendable. (shrink)

This article applies the concept of the boundary of order to examine the multi-faceted and complex relations between the EU and Ukraine. The focus is on geopolitical, institutional/legal and cultural boundaries in order to conceptualize the EU’s reluctant engagement with Ukraine. Yet, notwithstanding the EU’s refusal to offer Ukraine membership, it softened the legal boundary to placate Ukraine’s demand for inclusion. Furthermore, the cultural boundary has become blurred through references to Europe as a discursive benchmark of (...) ‘normality’ in Ukraine, and Ukraine’s Europeanness as evidenced in its support for so-called European values. Overall, it is argued that different boundaries are subject to conflicting dynamics and that Russia has, inadvertently, contributed to a diminution of the boundaries between the EU and Ukraine. (shrink)

In this essay, we bridge the gap between two understandings of the power of the European Union (EU): as a normative actor, guided by ethical principles and empowered by the internal market, and as a geopolitical actor, building its own military capabilities and ready to defend its interests through deterrence and defense. In view of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we challenge the established “values vs. interests” dichotomy and argue that defending liberal democratic values is an essential foundation of the (...) EU's existing and potential geopolitical power. We show how, over the last decade, opting for short-term expediency and capitulating to a kind of realpolitik “regime indifference” in dealings with authoritarian regimes at home and abroad have severely weakened the EU and also diminished Ukraine's capacities to defend itself as it fights for these shared values on the battlefield. We argue that it is in the EU's strategic interest to strengthen its commitment to values-based foreign and defense policies, revive a meritocratic and credible enlargement process, and work with the United States to provide more effective military assistance to Ukraine in its fight for liberal democratic values and a rules-based European security order. (shrink)

This article seeks to historicize both the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the debate on realism occasioned by Russian aggression in Ukraine since 2014. Using the research of Gerard Toal on Russia’s construction of its security interests in the post-Soviet spaces that include Ukraine, the article argues that neorealist geopolitical explanations fail to do justice to the roles of contingency and culture in setting Russia’s so-called ‘red lines.’ It also identifies an agency problem in realism: (...) realists not only fail to do justice to the agency of small states like Ukraine in this conflict but elide the moral and practical agency of decisionmakers like Russian President Vladmir Putin. The article also suggests that the current realism debate is the tip of an iceberg: realism has long had a problem specifying the relation of its theory to its practice. The article concludes by discussing the long shadow of 19th century imperial history over contemporary discussions of spheres of influence and great power status. (shrink)

How much help are third countries morally allowed or obliged to provide for a state unjustly attacked by a state that might widen a local war into a nuclear world war? This question leads to the Ukraine dilemma. It faces states that deliberate their obligations to the Ukraine unjustly attacked by Russia that might use nuclear weapons. To clarify the question, I examine the two most important evaluations of wars, the just war doctrine (D) and pacifism (P). My (...) theses are: (1) D is a moral theory, but P is not. P is a practical metaphysics, so they do not exclude one another. (2) Augustine shaped D and directed it against P, interpreting P and tendentially Christianity as moral theories, losing the distinction between practical metaphysics and morality, followed suit by the Enlightenment and current normative theory. (3) To solve the Ukraine dilemma, we must rely on an uninterpreted morality and prudence. (shrink)

The usefulness of ‘realism’ in explaining Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine has become a keenly contested debate not only in International Relations but in wider public intellectual discourse since the onset of the war in February 2022. At the centre of this debate is the punditry of John J. Mearsheimer, a prominent offensive realist who is a Professor of International Relations at the University of Chicago. This article argues that although Mearsheimer is indeed a realist, his offensive realism is (...) but one of many different realist theories that can forward an explanation of the Ukraine War. Beyond the apparent hegemony of structural realism (the branch of realism to which Mearsheimer’s offensive realism belongs), it is argued that classical and neoclassical realist frameworks can provide more nuanced and, ultimately, convincing arguments as to why Russian President Vladimir Putin decided to invade Ukraine. This is because both classical and neoclassical realism can incorporate insights from non-realist studies—such as the concepts of civilization and ontological security—and combine them into an overarching power politics framework. Although neither classical nor neoclassical realism is flawless in their explanations, they demonstrate that realism does not just have to be about international power structures but can offer multivariate accounts of why a state, like Russia, decided to act, such as invading Ukraine. (shrink)

The Ukraine's role in the geopolitical models of the International Order during the XX-th century of the prominent scientists, such as R. Challen, H. J. Mackinder, K. Haushofer, F. Naumann, M. Weber, R. W. Seton-Watson, H. Tiltman, A. Mahan, N. Spykmen, H. Kissinger, S. Huntnigton and Z. Brzezinski was analyses in the article. Ke y words: politology, geopolitics, international relations.

Ukraine faces a threat of full-fledged default and deep financial and political crisis. The current deep recession is the country's second major economic crisis in ten years. Ukraine was severely affected by the global financial crisis in 2008, with its economy shrinking by 15% in 2009. The economy remained weak in the aftermath, as former government caused the business climate worsening. The lack of reforms limited growth of GDP to just 0.3% in 2012 and remained static in 2013. (...) By the end of 2013, Ukraine was already on the brink of collapse. The conflict in the eastern part of the country has further exacerbated the recession. Today the sources of economic growth in Ukraine have been exhausted, and the country is strongly increasing its debts trying to attract foreign investment. The government’s reform efforts have so far failed to significantly improve the country’s business climate. Ukraine is ranked 83rd out of 189 countries in the latest World Bank's ‘Doing Business’ 2016 index. This score is the second worst in Europe. Ukraine is still considered the most corrupt country in Europe as well (rated at number 142 out of 175 by Transparency International in 2014). The persistent state of war has disrupted industrial production, which is mainly located in the eastern part. The article elucidates recent events in Ukraine as well as gives a brief historical overview. The influence of misleading governance of economic situation is revealed. The positive scenario, in which Ukraine overcomes default, is unlikely to happen unless the firm measures are to be taken. (shrink)

This article analyses Ukraine’s language policies from 2002 to 2022 within a framework of liberalism, while avoiding making normative judgements or recommendations, updating the discussion raised in Kymlicka and Opalski’s Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported? The analysis takes into consideration Ukraine’s present and historic position, including the challenge that postcolonial nation building can pose for achieving liberalism and linguistic justice. The paper focuses on three main areas of language policy: education, businesses and media, and assesses if they can (...) be described as liberal orthodox, pluralist or illiberal. The article begins by defining liberalism and illiberalism, discussing the context of Ukraine’s linguistic diversity and postcolonial context, before outlining the language situation until EuroMaidan. Then, the main issue of language policy in the areas of education, business and media is analysed, before considering whether Ukrainian language laws might be considered liberal or illiberal. Finally, potential future trajectories are outlined. (shrink)

The fragility of the post-war international order is threatened not only by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but even more tellingly, by the decisions that Western nations, the European Union, and NATO make in response to Russian aggression. This paper frames Western responses to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine within what Reinhart Koselleck calls ‘the sediments of time’ or Zeitschichten that contain different temporalities, speeds, and directions. Koselleck’s approach of parsing the ‘sediments of time’ is a heuristic device for (...) understanding how Western responses to the war in Ukraine are framed by very different historical markers. Just as one might parse the grammatical components of a sentence in order to understand its meaning, so one might parse Western responses within different historical timescales that include Zeitenwende, déjà vu, interregnum, and Never Again. (shrink)

The article «Demographic crisis in Ukraine: an integrative methodological ap­proach to analysis and overcoming» examines one of the biggest social problems of modern Ukraine – the demographic crisis, which is intensifying in the condi­tions of war and socio-economic changes. The author uses an integrative meth­odological approach, which includes analysis from the standpoint of humanistic personalism, psychoanalysis, logotherapy, futurology, androgynous analysis, and a systemic approach, for a comprehensive understanding of the problem and find­ing effective ways to overcome it. The (...) study emphasizes the importance of social programs aimed at supporting family values, equality, psychological well-being, self-fulfillment and social integration, as well as the implementation of adaptive policies in war and peace. The author emphasizes that it is necessary to respect the subjectivity of each family member, which creates a healthy family atmos­phere and contributes to the orientation of the family to the birth and upbringing of children as a social norm. The author supports the approach of androgynous analysis, according to which the emphasis in family relations is on gender partnership, which creates better opportunities for mutual respect, constructive and creative interaction of men and women in the family and society. The topic of re­spect for subjectivity in the family leads to a culture of subjectivity, which is espe­cially important in Ukraine, which, in the conditions of Russian full-scale military aggression against Ukraine, is fighting for international recognition of its subjec­tivity as a society and an independent state. It was concluded that a comprehen­sive solution to the demographic crisis is possible under the condition of applying an integrative approach that takes into account all aspects of human existence, accepts the family as the highest social value, and considers the well-being of the family as an object of protection at the state level. (shrink)

In the past two decades, Ukraine has significantly deepened its relations with NATO. Following Russia’s seizure of Crimea and instigation of conflict in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbas in 2014, Ukraine’s interest in NATO entry has particularly intensified. According to public opinion polls in Ukraine, membership in the Alliance is critical to the country’s security. On the other hand, Russia presents the further expansion of NATO to the east as the main threat to its national security. (...) The current developments on the ground and the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia will affect NATO’s attitude towards Ukraine’s membership prospects in the Alliance. The potential for further escalation of the war in Ukraine is significant, although it is more likely that the war will flare up and target Ukrainian forces and the civilian population, but the likelihood of the involvement of the Western Allies in the conflict is also more certain. Ukrainian authorities will have to limit their expectations for NATO membership and focus only on maximum cooperation with the Alliance. (shrink)

The paper analyzes the acceleration of the history we are witnessing in our time, which is evident in a series of events and crises that mark the world we live in, especially after the start of the war in Ukraine, which have not occurred in such significant intensity and frequency since the end of the Second World War. Considering these events and crises, the paper discusses the thesis of a historian Eric Hobsbawm that the “short” 20th century that had (...) lasted as “the age of extremes” since the First World War ended with the fall of “communism” and the Berlin Wall, after which we in fact entered the 21st century. Contrary to this thesis and to the well-known thesis on the “end of history”, our paper presents the view that we are still “politically” in the 20th century, because in our time there are similar tensions between the great powers that marked the 20th century and which in general mark the modern world since Westphalian peace in the 17th century. This general thesis is explained by the observation of the most basic lines of the dialectics of modern European and world history. The paper concludes that we are not only “politically” living in the “long” 20th century, but we are still “politically” living in the “longest” classical Westphalian age, which has been lasting for three and a half centuries in the same dialectical contradictions of world politics. Ultimately, the paper also discusses the task of philosophy in the times of the so-called “acceleration of history”, such as ours, and concludes that philosophy as a discipline in these times is obligated to offer, with theoretical creativity, a fresh philosophy of history, explaining in wider perspective a series of actual international occurrences. (shrink)

The review is devoted to an analysis of Nazip Khamitov’s new book “War in Ukraine and the New Humanism: David versus Goliath. Metaanthropology of history of the 21st century”, which was published in Bulgaria.

The article examines the formation of stereotypical image of Ukraine (“Malorossiya”) and Ukrainians (“Chochols” ) in Russian literature during the second half of the XIX century to the first decade of the XX century. After russian`s victory against Napoleon. Europe was full of sympathy for Russian Empire. The biggest problem inside the empire was about finding the hew way of coexisting with new nations and lands, that were occupied during the war. Polish people rejected to recognize the rule of (...) Russia. Polish rebellions had very big impact on Ukrainian culture. These Rebellions and Ukrainian nationalism during the nineteenth century became a huge problem for Russian government. Because of political tensions between nationalities within the Russian Empire state government implemented a series of measures against Ukrainian culture and language. Normal functioning of Ukrainian culture was expelled. The atmosphere around the Ukrainian question became very tense. Russian Government needed the idea of united nation. Such an idea was promoted by historians and artists. The beliefs that Ukrainian or Belorussian languages were only the dialects of Russian language were very common. These beliefs are rather strong even nowadays in Russia.On the other hand it was highly important to convince all the ethnicities of the empire that Russian nation is the most cultivated one. At the end of nineteenth century culture was a good instrument for such tasks. Literature was widely used for reaching such a goal. Russian culture and aristocracy were shown as very cultivated and generous. Russian authors tried to show local elites as a part of European culture. The best example of such attempts is the novel by Lev Tolstoj War and Peace. On the other hand in the novels of Russian authors of that period national minorities were shown as something primitive and something that cannot be seriously perceived on the same level with dominating Russian culture in the novels of Russian authors of that period. Ukrainian culture was one of the most cultivated inside of the empire that is why special attention was payed on Ukrainian nation. Literary works spread stereotypical image of the Ukrainian people – “Chochols” - as a sentimental, lazy, silly simpletons. Such “Chochols” can be found in the works of many Russian writers of the examined period - Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Ivan Bunin, or Maxim Gorky. At the beginning of the next century situation around “Сhochols” became critical. Volodymyr Vynnychenko wrote an open letter to Russian novelists and frankly criticized their fancy in the theme of primitive “Сhochols”. Nothing changed even after the communistic revolution. The events of civil war in Ukraine during 1914–1918 inspired M.Bulgakov for writing novel The White Guard, which can be determined as a top of anti-ukrainian attitudes in Russian literature in the examined period. Bulgakov used same methods as Tolstoj before almost a century ago. Turbin`s family was described as cultivated and very moral Russians. On the other hand there were bloodthirsty and primitive Ukrainians – supporters of Ukrainian state and its leader Symon Petliura. In this novel Ukrainians are not sentimental and dummy – there are aggressive and dangerous. Special attention is payed to the antisemitism of Ukrainian army. The author uses emotional pressure to convince the readers, that Ukrainians were “the bad ones” during the civil war.Some researchers called this novel of Mikhail Bulgakov – first purposeful work of propaganda in Russian literature. Such a tradition did not stop after Bulgakov`s generation. We can find a lot of anti-ukrainian works in Russian literature during twentieth century. It has to be realized that Russian literature had a large impact on the self-perception of the Ukrainians. This article tries to show how Russian culture, especially literature together with political influence was used for cultivating the felling of inferiority of the Ukrainians. Keywords : Russian Empire, postcolonialism, literature, national minorities. (shrink)

Die Werte und Einstellungen gegenüber Europa, insbesondere der Europäischen Union (EU), haben sich in der Ukraine seit der Unabhängigkeit des Landes von der Sowjetunion grundlegend gewandelt. Parallel zur Entwicklung und Kultivierung einer ukrainischen nationalen Identität, die sich seit 1991 intensivierte, wurden das Gefühl der Zugehörigkeit zur europäischen Gemeinschaft einerseits und die Einstellung zur EU andererseits seither durch historische Traditionen, neue politische Entwicklungen und durch soziokulturelle Faktoren beeinflusst. Ereignisse wie die ‚Orangene Revolution‘ von 2004, die ‚Revolution der Würde‘ (Euromaidan) von (...) 2014, die Annexion der Krim durch die Russische Föderation und der militärische Einmarsch Russlands in die Ukraine im Jahr 2022 haben die öffentliche Wahrnehmung der EU und die geopolitischen Orientierungen und Entscheidungen der Ukraine entscheidend geprägt. (shrink)

Sehr häufig wird die Perspektive eines EU-Beitritts der Ukraine aus der aktuellen, kriegsbedingten Situation gesehen und die deutsche Außenpolitik auf diese Singularität hin verengt. Dieser Artikel möchte den Blick auf die EU-Mitgliedschaft der Ukraine weiten, indem er nicht nationale Zahlen und Umfragen thematisiert, sondern drei andere Untersuchungsgegenstände bzw. Ebenen der Diskussion in den Fokus rückt. Der erste ist die Unterstützung für einen EU-Beitritt in den anderen Großstädten der Ukraine jenseits der Hauptstadt. Der zweite ist die Perspektive auf (...) die beiden anderen Länder, die in Folge des Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine im Frühjahr 2022 ein EU-Beitrittsgesuch eingereicht haben – Georgien und die Republik Moldau. Der dritte Untersuchungsgegenstand ist die deutsche außenpolitische Perspektive auf die ersten beiden Ebenen. (shrink)

The changes taking place in the religious life of modern Ukraine are closely linked to the global transformation processes in the world of religions. The result of the latter is the so-called religious postmodernism, a striking manifestation of which is the new religions. Their appearance can be seen as a kind of challenge to tradition, as a creation of a new type of religiosity or even a new religious culture, as a spiritual search and expression of a postmodern person.

Der Band analysiert die deutsche Ukraine-Politik aus drei zentralen Perspektiven: der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, der Außenpolitik und der Sicherheitspolitik. Im Einzelnen werden die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit im Kontext des Ukraine-Konflikts, die Rolle nicht-staatlicher Entwicklungsakteure in der Ukraine, der Stellenwert der SDGs und deren Integration in die staatlichen Handlungsstrategien der Ukraine, die Auswirkungen des Krieges auf die europäische Sicherheitsarchitektur sowie Perspektiven für den Wiederaufbau des Landes behandelt. Darüber hinaus entwickelt der Band mögliche Szenarien für die Weiterentwicklung des Krieges und leistet (...) so einen Beitrag zur aktuellen gesellschaftspolitischen Debatte. (shrink)

Ukrainian religious studies have their roots in the Kievan Rus era. First of all, The Tale of the Times, which describes the process of introducing Christianity in Ukraine-Russia, reveals the historical, psychological and ideological basis for Vladimir the Great's choice of faith for his people. Adoption of Christianity is a major worldview revolution in the spiritual life of Ukraine, which has included it in the context of world civilization. From a princely time, many religious thinkers have become a (...) universal way of seeing, understanding and appreciating the world for many Ukrainian thinkers. The main purpose of their works is not the desire to create a certain holistic system of theological knowledge, but the desire to convey their personal religious -istic perception of the divine nature, harmony, beauty and perfection of God-created world. These are the "Teachings of Vladimir Monomakh", "The Word of Law and Grace" by Hilarion of Kiev, "The Life of Theodosius Pechersky" and even "The Word of Igor's Hike". (shrink)

When we look at the past of Ukraine, the names of our people and country, language and faith serve as the kind of guideline in search of sources. The creation of self-titles is often associated with the process of awareness of the people of their separateness.

In 1991, Ukrainian independence opened an important theoretical channel for debating the status of its women. The people's collective memory of an ancient matriarchy generated a neo-matriarchal mythology which has been transformed into a delusional ideology that legitimizes female subordination, in the name of her alleged empowerment. Fieldwork in Ukraine – annual visits, including travel from one end of the country to another in official capacities, and many extended stays in Ukraine, as a scholar, researcher, educator and participant (...) in key events, provided opportunities for exchanging views with countless people from many walks of life throughout the country. Participation in a host of programs – television ‘specials’ on gender, seminars, retreats, workshops and conferences, designed to raise the consciousness of women and men alike – provided an array of opportunities to observe at first hand the way that today's women construct individual identity. Extensive research in the press (many runs of daily newspapers, including Den’, in Kyiv, and Vysoky Zamok in Lviv, and women's journals such as the widely read Zhinka, among others) added further insights. Television viewing, popular publications collected habitually during my numerous visits to Ukraine, copies of documents contributed by my Ukrainian friends and colleagues, outdoor advertising, posters and intimate gatherings at the homes of likeminded women, all played a part in the formation of my impressions of Ukrainian women's inferior status. In this paper I use my findings to explore the conflicting discourses on women's alleged empowerment, and the essentialist constraints on their self-realization, together with measures adopted to date on changing gender stereotypes and promoting equal rights and opportunities. (shrink)

The author analyses integration opportunities of the present-day Ukraine into the EU. Proclaiming its independence ten years ago Ukraine has determined its way of development towards building a democratic society, step by step directing its movement towards the European choice. Today Ukraine's integration into the EU is declared as the state's strategic goal. However there exist a certain number of economical, social, political and other factors, which considerably hamper the integration movement. The author expresses his point of (...) view on how to transform Ukraine's European choice into reality. Key words: integration opportunities, strategic partnership, European choice. (shrink)

Unabhängig vom Siegesplan des ukrainischen Präsidenten 2024 gibt es seit 2022 verschiedene politikwissenschaftliche wie ökonomische Szenarien für eine Integration der Ukraine in die EU und eine positive wirtschaftliche Entwicklung durch den Wiederaufbau und die Nutzung des ukrainischen endogenen Potentials in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Der Artikel schaut auf die Relevanz einer strategischen Partnerschaft Deutschlands mit der Ukraine vor dem Hintergrund der Zeitenwende. Er reflektiert die fortschrittlichen Reformbestrebungen der Ukraine in den letzten Jahren und skizziert mögliche Entwicklungspfade unter deutscher (...) Beteiligung und aus deutscher Perspektive – der Perspektive der Zeitenwende. (shrink)

A series of conflicts that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union culminated in the war in Ukraine waged by Russia in 2014. The international community was taken by surprise, and its reactions to the Russian aggression were often confused and inadequate. Even more confused and inadequate were the responses from global Christianity. Russian propaganda often renders the aggression against Ukraine as a quasi-religious conflict: a “holy war” against the “godless” or “heterodox” West. It would be natural, therefore, (...) for the Christian churches worldwide to loudly condemn both propaganda and aggression. However, in most cases, their response was silence. Such reactions came from most local Orthodox churches, the Roman Catholic church, and international ecumenical organizations such as the World Council of Churches. An exception was the reaction from the Ecumenical Patriarchate, which decided to grant autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. The article argues that the Tomos for autocephaly was, among other reasons, a reaction to the war in Ukraine. The responses of other local Orthodox churches to the Tomos also indicate their attitude to the war in Ukraine. These reactions have demonstrated a profound crisis in inter-Orthodox solidarity and social ethics. (shrink)

The article is updated by several circumstances, which the authors reflect on. In their opinion, there are 1) obvious and external threats — violations of freedom of conscience in the temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories, including Crimea, which arose as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, and 2) internally hidden and potential dangers for freedom of religions of Ukrainian citizens. The well-known examples of discrimination of believers of certain faiths in the so-called DPR-LPR and Crimea given by the authors are constantly (...) updated. Relevant monitoring and analytical reports are prepared by both Ukrainian and international experts. They submitted these reports to international human rights organizations, including the rights for Freedom of Religion and Belief. Despite such convincing documented materials, separate accusations have recently appeared against Ukraine, which allegedly violates freedom of religion in the territory under its control. Some are trying to prove that Ukraine, taking advantage of the war situation and referring to the spiritual dangers for Ukraine from those religious organizations whose centers are in the aggressor country, threatens some churches, thereby violating the Constitution and the Law on Freedom of Conscience, which guarantee for all citizens, regardless of from their religious affiliation, freedom of religion. The authors refute these narratives lashed out by Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church. Such negative conclusions, which express concern about the situation in Ukraine regarding freedom of conscience and religion, influence on the world public, experts on issues of freedom of conscience, religious organizations, spoil the image of Ukraine as a country with high level of freedom of conscience even among European countries. Religious freedom, as the authors conclude, needs protection today, but they call for separating real threats from imaginary ones and clearly defining who persecutes, whom he/she persecutes and where persecutes. Ukraine is consistent in its intentions to protect the rights of people and communities, to protect the freedoms of believers and their organizations. (shrink)

War crimes are being committed in Ukraine today, but who should be held responsible? By looking at the literature on responsibility and violence by Philippa Foot and John Harris, this article argues that there are grounds for holding Vladimir Putin responsible for war crimes in Ukraine, even if he did not give the command for these crimes and other atrocities to be carried out.

The conflict in Ukraine has been in the focus of the international politics for the last four years. The fact that it takes place not only on the battlefield but also in form of a discursive war has become strikingly evident. An inherent part of a conflict construction is the legitimization of one’s own positions and actions. According to Chilton (2017: 237, see also Chilton 2004, 2014), the discursive construction of events is “fundamentally grounded in spatial cognition, projected at (...) various levels of abstraction and intimately bound up with human social relations”. This idea is crucial to “the systematic rhetorical arrangement” known as proximization (Cap 2008, 2013, 2017). It aims to “picture the occurring events and their actors as directly affecting the addressee” (Cap 2008, 2013, 2017). It is “a discursive tool [that allows] for the reduction of the temporal, spatial, axiological, cognitive [epistemic] and emotional distance” (Kopytowska 2013, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c) between the speaker and his/her audience. This paper draws on these approaches and examines the modalities of the threat representation. Apart from the spatial-temporal grounding, the analysis dedicates a special attention to the axiological, epistemic and emotional dimensions which are projected into the modalities of construction of fear and the argumentative use of historical parallels. We examine the commonalities and the differences of the discursive construction of the Ukraine conflict in the US and the Czech official political discourses. The US discourse is rather transparent and homogenous with clearly defined positive –negative roles, values and actions within IDC and ODC. In contrast, the Czech “Ukraine discourse” is polyphonic and echoes both the Euro-Atlantic and the Russian way of thinking and value judgements, which leads quite inevitably to a discursive clash. Due to the cognitive and also physical closeness of the conflict, there is a lesser need to proximize the conflict in such a powerful and determined way as it is done in the US narrative. (shrink)

Монографія об‘єднала зусилля науковців факультету міжнародної економіки Дніпропетровського національного університету імені Олеся Гончара та учасників Міжнародної науково-практичної конференції «Стратегії економічного розвитку країн в умовах глобалізації» у процесі пошуку й визначення стратегічних орієнтирів економічного розвитку України в глобальному середовищі й обрання своєї вірної дороги. На відміну від Ван Гога, усі дороги якого ведуть у нікуди, ми віримо, що спроможні обрати ту саму – нашу дорогу у світле й заможне майбутнє, й усі наші зусилля не будуть марними.

B a c k g r o u n d. In the context of the global environmental crisis, accompanied by growing awareness of resource limitations and the impact of human activity, environmental business is becoming increasingly relevant. In Ukraine, its importance has intensified due to the full-scale war, which has led to massive environmental damage and infrastructure destruction. The aim of this study is to identify the socio-philosophical foundations of the development of environmental business in Ukraine, to analyze (...) its current challenges, and to outline prospects for recovery in the post-war period. M e t h o d s. The research applies an interdisciplinary approach at the intersection of social philosophy, economics, and ecology. It uses systemic, comparative-analytical, sociocultural, and prognostic methods, as well as content analysis of scientific literature, reports of international organizations, and strategic documents. This methodology enables the integration of philosophical reflection with empirical data concerning the current state of environmental business in Ukraine. R e s u l t s. The study analyzes the prerequisites for the development of environmental business globally and in Ukraine, particularly its functioning before and during the war. Key challenges are identified, including destroyed infrastructure, environmental pollution, low investment attractiveness, and lack of institutional support. The need for a roadmap for ecological recovery and the synergy between social entrepreneurship and environmental business is substantiated. Environmental business is shown to have the potential to become a driver of sustainable development, job creation, and the formation of environmental awareness. Strategic directions for government support are proposed, including economic incentives, legal frameworks, and international assistance. C o n c l u s i o n s. In post-war Ukraine, environmental business holds the potential to become a foundation for sustainable economic recovery and social cohesion. Its development depends on the active involvement of the state, private sector, and civil society. The formation of a green economy and integration into EU environmental standards open opportunities for international partnerships, investment, and innovation. Environmental business, as a socially responsible form of entrepreneurship, emerges as a new ideologeme of social progress in the face of global challenges. (shrink)

A new approach to the analysis of the digital culture of modern Ukraine is proposed as a space of intersection of technological modernization, conditioned by the logic of the fourth industrial revolution, and state-building practices of Ukrainian national identity. _The purpose_ of the study is to consider the philosophical dimensions of the digital culture of Ukraine in the logic of the fourth industrial revolution through the problem of national identity, in particular, the characteristics of how digital infrastructures transform (...) belonging, how digital social solidarity arises and consists of what ethical challenges accompany this process. _Methods:_ analytical method, synergistic principle, holistic approaches to society, socio-philosophical analysis, theories of information and information society, elements of discourse analysis of digital media. _Scientific novelty._ It is proved that digitalization in Ukraine cannot be reduced to a technocratic upgrade of services: it forms new modes of belonging, solidarity, trust, and autonomy, which become part of the normative core of the national idea. Through the prism of the phenomena of digital nationalism, data as a resource of power, technological sovereignty and information warfare, it is argued that the Ukrainian case demonstrates a special type of «digital modernity under pressure»: institutional resilience and civic engagement are strengthened by digital infrastructures, but at the same time the risks of external dependence, «data colonization» and algorithmic inequality are increasing. The latest research shows how digital public services and the co-production of public services in a crisis support the trust and subjectivity of citizens; network identities in social media during war tend to strengthen intra-group solidarity; information security and regulation become an element of the political ethics of the nation. The concept of a “digital national idea” is proposed as a combination of dignity, freedom, solidarity, technological sovereignty, the rule of law and openness_. __Conclusions_. A philosophical framework is proposed that combines: the concepts of «digitalization» and «platformization» of cultural production and the mediation of social ties; the ethics of digital governance and «soft ethics» as a tool for regulating technological systems; the issues of digital sovereignty and «data» as a resource of power; the anthropological challenges of Industry 4.0 (reformatting of labor, corporeality, agency, trust, and solidarity). Ukraine demonstrates a special type of digital modernization, where the war acted as a «critical turning point» and an accelerator of digital cooperation between the state, local communities, and civil society. It is argued that Ukraine’s digital culture is not reduced purely to «technical progress», but is a field of ethical identity choices, where national identity acquires the features of network solidarity and symbolic defense. (shrink)

Despite the fact that there is now a general public agreement in Ukraine regarding the need to oppose the “russian world”, there are quite diverse and sometimes contradictory proposals among Ukrainian citizens regarding the ways to implement such an opposition. In state policy, the main line of implementing such countermeasures is gradually beginning to emerge, however, it is necessary to logically and organizationally substantiate the main stages of its implementation. The essence of opposition to the “russian world” lies in (...) the consistent implementation of decolonization in Ukraine, since it was russia that for centuries carried out the largest and for a long time quite successful project of colonization of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to clarify the post-colonial situation for Ukraine, and, accordingly, the tasks of decolonization for it as a key direction of counteraction to the “russian world” in Ukraine. The degree of colonization of Ukraine is analyzed on the basis of a comparative analysis with other known histories of colonization in the world. Thanks to this, the degree of applicability of postcolonial studies and the theory of decolonization to modern Ukraine has been clarified. Ukraine repeats many classic features of a post-colonial country, but has every chance to make a significant new contribution to the theory of decolonization – thanks to its success in confronting the russian empire, which is now the russian federation, in its expansionist militarist foreign policy. Decolonization in Ukraine is carried out in three stages, during each of which the necessary institutional changes are successively implemented, each of which makes it impossible to return to the previous stage. Thus, the mirror opposition to russian colonization, the adoption of the best world experience of decolonization, and finally, the development of a self-sufficient Ukrainian world are three stages of successful decolonization in Ukraine, which can become a model for other former colonies. (shrink)

The article analyzes the political motives of Ukrainian resistance to Russian invasion and aggression. First of all, it emphasizes the falsification of history by Russian propaganda, its use of history as a political instrument, the destruction of the traumatic memory of the recent imperial past and the glorification of the “glorious centuries-old” imperial history in modern Russia. This determines the difference in the structure of the historical memory of Russians and other former peoples of the empire, and the recent memory (...) of the tragic imperial past is the leading factor in the choice of the Ukrainian and Moldovan peoples for their political destiny. The article also shows that this choice, as well as the desire for truth, freedom and rights, determines these peoples’ slow but sure progress toward democracy. These choices and aspirations are at the same time a determining factor in the ability of the Ukrainian people to resist Russian armed aggression. Instead, the so-called “civilizational” links between the former peoples of the empire, with which Russia tries to justify its aggression, are actually a cover for its desire for political dominance. The article also outlines the importance of Ukrainian resistance for European democracies, calling for their unconditional support. The war in Ukraine is a challenge for them, because no matter what problems democracies around the world are facing today, they will remain actors of their own history only if they provide support to all those who resist the destruction of the minimum of rights and freedoms that define democracy. Using Kant’s work «Perpetual Peace» as an example, the article also shows that the cessation of war for the sake of cessation of war, which is often called for today, will not contribute to the establishment of peace. It will leave grounds for the renewal of war, which the aggressor, if he will not change its political essence, will always be able to use it again. (shrink)

Language has traditionally been an important marker of Ukrainian identity which, due to a lack of independent statehood, has been ethnic rather than civic. The contradictory policies of the Soviet regime produced a large discrepancy between ethnocultural identity and language use. In independent Ukraine this discrepancy persisted, as increased identification with the Ukrainian nation was not accompanied by a commensurate increase in the use of the Ukrainian language, even though the latter was predominantly valued as a symbol of nationhood. (...) The Euromaidan and the subsequent Russian aggression further detached language use from national identity, as many Russian speakers came to identify strongly with the inclusive Ukrainian nation without abandoning their accustomed language or even adding Ukrainian as an active part of their communicative repertoire. The post-Maidan leadership refrained from an active promotion of Ukrainian for fear of provoking alienation among Russian speakers, but this policy exacerbates the disadvantaged position of the titular language in various domains and causes discontent among those viewing it as a crucial component of national identity. (shrink)

In February 2022, Russian missiles rained on Ukrainian cities, and tanks rolled towards Kyiv to end Ukrainian independent statehood. President Zelensky declined a Western evacuation offer and Ukrainians rallied to defend their country. What are the roots of this war, which has upended the international legal order and brought back the spectre of nuclear escalation? How did these supposedly “brotherly peoples” become each other’s worst nightmare? In _Russia and Ukraine: Entangled Histories, Diverging States_, Maria Popova and Oxana Shevel explain (...) how since 1991 Russia and Ukraine diverged politically, ending up on a collision course. Russia slid back into authoritarianism and imperialism, while Ukraine consolidated a competitive political system and pro-European identity. As Ukraine built a democratic nation-state, Russia refused to accept it and came to see it as an “anti-Russia” project. After political and economic pressure proved ineffective, and even counterproductive, Putin went to war to force Ukraine back into the fold of the “Russian world.” Ukraine resisted, determined to pursue European integration as a sovereign state. These irreconcilable goals, rather than geopolitical wrangling between Russia and the West over NATO expansion, are – the authors argue – essential to understanding Russia’s war on Ukraine. (shrink)

On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, giving rise to the deadliest conflict on European soil since the Second World War. How could this happen in twenty-first-century Europe? Why did Putin decide to escalate Russia’s war against Ukraine, a war which began with Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014? In this timely book, Gwendolyn Sasse analyses the background to this war and examines the factors that led to Putin’s fateful decision. She retraces the history (...) of Ukraine’s struggle for independence from Russia and shows how democratic developments in Ukraine had become a risk for Russia’s political system. She also shows that ambiguous Western policy towards Russia encouraged elites in the Kremlin to think that they had more room for action than they did. The result is a brilliant analysis of the background to the war, a concise account of the course of the war itself and a timely reflection on what its consequences will be – for Ukraine, for Russia and for the West. An indispensable book for anyone who wants to understand the most dangerous conflict of our time. (shrink)

The article explores major milestones in reforming higher education in Ukraine, applying the methodology of case studies. It analyzes political and social conditions that influenced the process of reform. The author pays particular attention to the concept of university autonomy, its development and implementation in Ukraine, considering legal and institutional efforts. The impact and experience of some leading institutions like Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is discussed. The author concludes that the task of ensuring comprehensive university autonomy is of a political (...) nature. This is the only reliable instrument for raising of quality of Ukrainian higher education. (shrink)

With Ukraine as its subtext, this pamphlet-like text considers the recent U-turns of global reality and the need for well-meant universalist (pamphilic) ends. Such ends impel reconsideration of the standard educational-philosophical view on national affect, state sovereignty and international relations. After indicating interconnections of these issues with ecological and nuclear catastrophe, I discuss the argument that post-humanist educational theory has failed to critique the full and inherent educational complicities in the current global situation. While I agree with such diagnostics, (...) I argue that, instead of essentializing educational complicities, we may explore education as open to catastrophe in its double meaning of ‘disaster’ and ‘radical turn’. (shrink)

The ongoing conflict in Ukraine constitutes a poignant reminder of the enduring relevance and potential devastation associated with nuclear weapons. For decades, the possibility of such catastrophic conflict has not seemed so imminent as in the current world affairs. -/- This contribution presents a comprehensive analysis of nuclear strategy for the 21st century. By examining the evolving geostrategic landscape the talk illuminates key concepts such as nuclear posture, credible deterrence, first & second strike capabilities, flexible response, EMP , variable (...) yield, counterforce & countervalue, limited war and escalation dominance, thereby providing a nuanced understanding of the delicate balance of power in the nuclear arena in modern conflicts. Furthermore, it concentrates on the era that started with the war in Ukraine, offering insights into how recent geopolitical developments influence nuclear doctrines. -/- Through conceivable real-world scenarios, we gain perspective on the multifaceted challenges posed by newer technologies and potential escalation dynamics involving global nuclear actors. -/- Such scenarios include: -/- 1. A non-weaponised or sub-critical test within Russia to intimidate opponents into understanding Russia’s resolve and capabilities. Prior norms have restricted testing since 2000, apart from North Korea. In case of a full surface test, Russia could detonate in uninhabited areas within its own vast territory with minimal fallout. While clarifying military strength, demonstrations risk hardening resistance without incentivising surrender. -/- 2. Coercive atomic threat to compel Ukraine or its supporters to make concessions. By leveraging the spectre of nuclear warfare, Russia could expect to achieve its objectives through intimidation and fear. However, the effectiveness of such a strategy is questionable, as it may provoke a strong international response and further galvanise support for Ukraine. -/- 3. Demonstration detonation over/under the Black Sea to signal resolve without targeting Ukraine itself; possibly amidst negotiations to gain diplomatic leverage, whilst limiting human casualties to zero or causing a mild, non-destructive tsunami. -/- 4. Ukraine could decide to launch a pre-emptive strike on Russian nuclear facilities or weapons, fearing an imminent attack. Such an action would have a high risk of failure and might even provoke a nuclear retaliation from Russia. It could also lead to a broader conflict, as neighbouring countries might feel compelled to intervene. -/- 5. Limited tactical strike against Ukrainian military or infrastructure to weaken capacity and morale. Russia’s 2000+ non-strategic arsenal could target positions using short-range missiles with 0.3 – 5 kiloton yields. Objectives like crippling Kharkiv defences might create no-go zones hindering advances. However, Ukraine might maintain drone and cyber offensive capabilities regardless. -/- 6. Electromagnetic Pulse attack designed to disable critical infrastructure in Ukraine and NATO countries without radioactive fallout. This aims to hinder the war effort and economy without provoking the same conventional military response as a blast. However, an EMP attack affecting NATO shall still be considered an act of war warranting retaliation. -/- 7. A weapon could be deployed accidentally or without proper authorisation. This could occur due to a technical malfunction, miscommunication, human error, or the actions of rogue elements. The consequences of such an event could be catastrophic, leading to a rapid escalation of the conflict and potentially triggering a global crisis. -/- 8. Sub-strategic offensive targeting NATO in the European theatre, so as to fracture allied resolve, against arms routes in Poland, Baltic stockpiles, British naval bases, American troop concentrations in Germany etc. Putin may perceive defeat or deposition as an existential threat, viewing such an option as self-preservation despite adverse consequences. -/- . (shrink)

Modern Ukraine is a post-colonial, post-totalitarian state in which decolonization, decommunization, and de-Russification have not yet been fully implemented. This article sets itself the goal of reviewing the agenda of the processes of civilizational transit of Ukraine and developing theoretically grounded vectors of the said process. The important fact that the current stage of development of the “worldview gravity” of Ukrainian society is characterized by an eclectic system of stereotypes is also of significant importance: here coexist both old (...) stereotypes of consciousness and behavior, which have largely ceased to fulfill their functions, and new ones that are unstable and ambiguous. The series of ideas regarding the Ukrainian civilizational choice was already discovered in a monograph, “Civilizational crossroads of modern society,” and presented for Ukrainian readers a few years ago. The current article offers a revision of the previously presented ideas for the international audience of the journal readers, taking into account the current Ukrainian sociocultural situation, at the center of which are the challenges produced by the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The policy of new realism can become an effective tool for social modernization. The given word combination is not accidental: the realism of this type of politics insists on the need for the adequate perception of reality in all its essential aspects, and the novelty emphasizes the need to operate not with the laws and features of the socio-political status quo “in general,” but taking into account the latest dynamics, trends, threats, and problematic challenges. The people and the country need not only (and sometimes not so much) a thorough understanding of their cultural-civilizational, geopolitical, and economic-economic prospects but an indomitable character that guarantees the realization of their potential in spite of anything and against anything. On the difficult path of establishing a civilizational choice, Ukrainians will need not only the awareness of the incomplete state of political modernization, the limited, post-totalitarian (post-colonial, etc.) status, but also to work at the individual level to accelerate evolutionary processes. These processes can catalyze political decisions, not at the declarative level but at the practical level, to fill the steps for the approval of the civilizational choice with content. Step-by-step changes in favor of a new worldview horizon will require significant changes at the personal level through the rejection of destructive post-colonial (post-totalitarian, etc.) narratives in social practice in favor of the development of Ukrainian national identity, which will be preceded by the rational assimilation of the perspectives of civilizational choice, which is a fruitful combination of the European civilizational project and heritage of Ukrainian culture. (shrink)

Philosophy of Science; Ukraine; Polysytemic nature of theories; Practical theories; Subsystems of a theory.

Ukraine has left a prominent mark in world religious history. I will not begin to substantiate my opinion here broadly, but I believe that it was Ukraine that gave way to Eastern Christianity, which ensured the preservation of Orthodoxy as its specific denomination. Moreover, in the thirteenth century, through its resistance to the invasion of the Tatar-Mongols, it preserved the Christian world from the onset of Islam. Through the Vladimir tradition, Ukraine has maintained the desire of the (...) two branches of Christianity to fulfill the covenant of Christ so that they all may be one, and may offer a possible path to this by their Union of Brest. Ukraine gave an example of the survivability of oncational Christianity, because no matter how much our souls died, our Ukrainian Christianity and the Poles with the Vatican and Muscovy did not die from our nation. Ukraine has exemplified poetic, artistic rather than holo-socialized Christianity through its organic union with the popular beliefs of the day before it. Ukraine gave the example of living, unskilled Christianity, which corresponded to the mentality of the Ukrainian as a creator, a hard worker. Ukraine gave in to somewhat feminized Christianity, given the significant role that women played in the lives of their people at the level of household and housewives. (shrink)