Middle Stone Age bone tools from the Howiesons Poort layers, Sibudu Cave, South Africa
Introduction
The early appearance in the African Middle Stone Age (MSA) of innovations such as the systematic use of pigments, personal ornaments and complex bone and lithic technologies, has been used to support a scenario (McBrearty and Brooks, 2000) in which these innovations are interpreted as the behavioural corollary of the emergence of anatomically modern humans on the continent. After a long-term process of continuous accretion and increasing complexity, the key advances favoured the expansion of modern humans out of Africa, and the replacement of biologically and behaviourally archaic human populations in Eurasia. Evidence for complex bone tool manufacture in the African MSA has not, however, been conclusively supportive of this model. The bone tools from the M2 phase of Blombos Cave (Henshilwood et al., 2001), with an age of ∼78 ka (Jacobs et al., 2006a), have until recently represented the only well-dated early instance of the systematic production of bone tools comparable to those found at Upper Palaeolithic sites in Europe after 40 ka. A recent analysis of worked bone pieces from southern African MSA sites was able to refute the uniqueness of the Blombos bone industry (d'Errico and Henshilwood, 2007) but even so, the sample of MSA sites yielding convincing evidence of deliberately shaped bone remains small. These authors pointed out that the HP, which follows the Still Bay, contains no conclusive evidence for bone tool manufacture. Such an absence may be perceived as contradicting the out of Africa scenario for the origin of modernity. The view underlying this model is that the emergence of each innovation marked a threshold in the history of humankind; thus, the accumulation of innovations contributed, like genetic mutations, to the creation of human societies increasingly different from those of their non-modern counterparts. The identification of a discontinuous pattern, with innovations appearing and disappearing, or being associated in a way that does not match the expected trend, supports the view that some of these innovations, such as complex lithic and bone technology, do not necessarily represent reliable hallmarks of modernity, and cannot be attributed an unequivocal evolutionary significance (Wadley, 2001, Backwell and d'Errico, 2005, Villa et al., 2005a). Alternatively, it may suggest that the observed pattern is not determined, or not determined only by the alleged emergence of our biological species in Africa, and that we have to evoke social, demographic and climatic factors to explain the emergence, disappearance, and re-emergence of such innovations among both African and Eurasian early Upper Pleistocene populations (d'Errico, 2003, d'Errico et al., 2003; Hovers and Belfer-Cohen, 2006). In order to test these hypotheses it is crucial to document and date occurrences of such innovations in and outside of Africa, and to use the resulting chronicle to identify trends that can be compared and possibly contrasted with those offered by other disciplines. There is a cogent need for this in southern Africa, given that a relatively small number of post-100 ka sites have been excavated or dated using modern standards. This deficiency makes it difficult to establish whether the apparent disappearance of cultural innovations, particularly when these are embodied in small, fragile items, is due to sampling, excavation methods, taphonomic processes, variability in subsistence strategies, or a loss of previously acquired cultural traits.
In this paper, we present our analysis of two bone points and a polished spatula-shaped piece recently found in the HP layers of Sibudu Cave, South Africa, dated by Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) to >61 ka (Wadley and Jacobs, 2006). Microscopic and morphometric analysis of one of these pieces, a well-preserved bone point, interpreted as a projectile point, reveals technological continuity with bone spear points from Blombos Cave, and morphological affinities with the bone point from Peers Cave, and to a lesser extent the Klasies River specimen, as well as bone points from Later Stone Age (LSA) and historical Bushman sites. The Sibudu evidence is consistent with a process of reduction in size of bone projectile points that may suggest the use of a bow and arrow hunting technology by HP communities. Importantly, Sibudu has no LSA deposits so the bone tools belong unequivocally to the MSA.
Recent research has shown that the use and manufacture of pointed bone tools is not the preserve of MSA or Upper Palaeolithic cultures. The earliest use of pointed bone tools comes from the Plio cave deposits at Sterkfontein, Swartkrans and Drimolen in South Africa (Robinson, 1959, Brain and Shipman, 1993, Brain and Shipman, 2004, Keyser et al., 2000, Backwell and d'Errico, 2001, Backwell and d'Errico, 2004a, Backwell and d'Errico, 2005, d'Errico et al., 2001, d'Errico et al., 2003, d'Errico and Backwell, 2003). The wear pattern on the tips of these implements has been interpreted as the result of digging, either for extracting tubers from the ground (Brain and Shipman, 1993, Brain and Shipman, 2004) or termites from their nests (Backwell and d'Errico, 2001, Backwell and d'Errico, 2004a, Backwell and d'Errico, 2005, d'Errico et al., 2001, d'Errico et al., 2003 d'Errico and Backwell, 2003). Evidence of shaping by means of grinding on some of the more robust horncores suggests that early hominins had the cognitive ability to modify bone intentionally for optimal efficiency as part of a non-modern behavioural repertoire, albeit for expedient use (d'Errico and Backwell, 2003, Backwell and d'Errico, 2004b, Backwell and d'Errico, 2005). Bone objects from Broken Hill (Kabwe), Zambia, attributed to the early MSA and thought to be associated with Homo heidelbergensis (elsewhere named Homo rhodesiensis), are interpreted by Barham et al. (2002) as two gouges and a point. A point from Mumbwa Cave (Pinto Llona et al., 2000) is considered doubtful (d'Errico, 2003). Other evidence for bone working in the MSA is provided by barbed and unbarbed bone points from the Katanda sites in the Semliki Valley, Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire), dated ∼90 ka (Yellen et al., 1995, Brooks et al., 1995, McBrearty and Brooks, 2000, Feathers and Migliorini, 2001). A point tip, a mesial fragment, an almost complete spear point, a tanged bone point and twenty-six awls are reported from M1 and M2 MSA layers at Blombos Cave, with ages ∼84–72 ka (Henshilwood and Sealy, 1997, Henshilwood et al., 2001, d'Errico and Henshilwood, 2007, Jacobs et al., 2006a, Jacobs et al., 2006b). A single massive point, different from those found in the MSA and LSA layers at Blombos Cave, was recovered in the dune sand layer, with an age of ∼70 ka (Jacobs et al., 2003, Jacobs et al., 2006a) sealing the MSA sequence. An awl and a possible flaked shaft fragment come from the Blombos M3 phase, with an age of 98.9 ± 4.5 ka (Jacobs et al., 2006a). A bone point from Peers (Skildergatkop) Cave was retrieved from either the HP or Still Bay layers at the site (Peers, 1929). A recent study of carbon-nitrogen ratios in the Peers point, and a sample of LSA and MSA faunal remains from this site, demonstrates that the point originates from MSA layers (d'Errico and Henshilwood, 2007). A single bone point (SAM-42160) was discovered at Klasies River in layer 19 of Shelter 1a at the base of the HP (Singer and Wymer, 1982). A date of approximately 80–60 ka, centred on 70 ka, was suggested for the HP at Klasies River (Deacon, 1989, Thackeray, 1989, Wurz, 2002, Deacon and Wurz, 2005). Uranium–Thorium (U-Th) analysis of limestone at the site produced an age range of 70–60 ka (Vogel, 2001), while Thermoluminescence (TL) and OSL ages of sediments suggest an age of 60–55 ka (Feathers, 2002). Thermoluminescence dating of burnt lithics provided a weighted mean age of 56 ± 3 ka for the HP at the site (Tribolo et al., 2005). The only other pointed bone implement known from the MSA is a polished bone pin (Cain, 2004) from layer Co, with an age of ∼35 ka attributed to the late MSA at Sibudu Cave (Wadley and Jacobs, 2006). Bone points similar to those known ethnographically occur at many LSA sites, including Oakhurst (Sampson, 1974, Deacon and Deacon, 1999), Rose Cottage (Sampson, 1974, Wadley, 1993, Wadley, 2000) and Nelson Bay Cave (Inskeep, 1987, Deacon, 1982, Deacon, 1984), and Jubilee (Wadley, 1989, Wadley, 1993), Bushman Rock (Plug, 1982) and Giant's Castle Rock Shelters (Sampson, 1974). Bone points are associated with the Border Cave Early LSA assemblage, with an age of ∼36 ka (Beaumont et al., 1978, Grün and Beaumont, 2001). Bone points used as awls, arrow points and linkshafts occur with regularity in Iron Age occupations, for example at Mapungubwe, Robberg Cave and the Vredefort Dome site. Bone points serving as arrow heads, linkshafts, barbs and hooks were in common use among Bushman hunter-gatherers in the nineteenth century, and even though metal is used nowadays for most armatures, the properties of bone for arrow point production are still favoured by some hunter-gatherers in southern Africa.
The bone implements described here come from the HP layers at Sibudu Cave, situated on the KwaZulu-Natal north coast of South Africa (Fig. 1). The site has revealed a long sequence of MSA occupations, with stone tool assemblages attributed, from the bottom to the top, to a pre-Still Bay phase, the Still Bay technocomplex, the Howiesons Poort technocomplex, a post-Howiesons Poort phase, and late and final MSA phases directly overlain by Iron Age occupation (Wadley and Jacobs, 2004, Wadley and Jacobs, 2006, Villa et al., 2005a, Wadley, 2005a, Wadley, 2007, Lombard, 2008). A combination of single aliquot and single grain Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) ages for post-Howiesons Poort assemblages at Sibudu Cave provide a weighted mean age of 57.5 ± 1.4 ka (Jacobs et al., in press). Ages for the older HP industries fit within Oxygen Isotope Stage (OIS) 4, i.e. earlier than ∼61 ka (Wadley and Jacobs, 2006). The HP has been excavated from a 2 m2 trial trench, and is found in layers PGS, GS2, GS, DRG2, DRG, WA, GR2 and GR (Table 1, Fig. 2). The polished spatula-shaped bone implement derives from near the top of the HP sequence in layer GR2. The refitted bone point comes from the underlying layer GS, and the slender incomplete point from layer PGS at the bottom of the sequence (Table 1).
The lithic assemblage in these HP layers is dominated by segments and other backed tools manufactured mostly from dolerite and hornfels (Delagnes et al., 2006). There is a relatively high proportion of blades and large sandstone flakes (Wadley, 2006). The extensive use of ochre at the site is evident in the high number of modified ochre nodules recovered (Wadley, 2005a) and lithics that have deeply ingrained ochre on their backed edges or bases. The evidence suggests that in addition to serving a potentially symbolic role, ochre was used as a loading agent in mastic recipes (Lombard, 2005a, Lombard, 2006, Lombard, 2008; Wadley, 2005b, Wadley, 2005c). Environmental data indicate a humid climate for the area during the HP, with surrounding evergreen forests (Allott, 2006, Glenny, 2006, Schiegl and Conard, 2006, Sievers, 2006, Renaut and Bamford, 2006, Wadley, 2006). Preliminary faunal analysis shows a wide range of mammal species represented, with blue duiker (Philantomba monticola) predominating (Wadley, 2006, Clark and Plug, in press, Lombard, 2008).
The Howiesons Poort is a MSA technocomplex characterised by the production of backed tools. Blades, backed segments and trapeze-shaped tools, of varying lengths, predominate. This archaeological entity is recorded at a number of well-dated sites in southern Africa, with long stratigraphic sequences that pre- and post-date the HP industry, including Klasies River, Border Cave, Rose Cottage, Peers Cave, Apollo 11, Diepkloof and Sibudu Cave. The recent discovery at the last two sites of Still Bay assemblages below the HP layers (Rigaud et al., 2006, Wadley, 2007) has finally settled the debate over the stratigraphic succession of these two MSA facies. Based on OSL ages of overlying layers, the HP at Sibudu Cave predates ∼61 ka and falls within the estimated age range for the HP, radiometrically dated at six sites to between ∼76 and 45 ka. Klasies River spans ∼66–45 ka (Vogel, 2001, Feathers, 2002, Tribolo et al., 2005). Rose Cottage Cave has single aliquot OSL ages of between 67.7 and 54.4 ka (Pienaar, 2006). An age of 62.4 ± 2.0 ka was obtained for Boomplaas based on the Uranium–Thorium method (Vogel, 2001). Electron Spin Resonance (ESR) ages of 76 ± 4 and 58 ± 2 ka (Grün and Beaumont, 2001, Grün et al., 2003) are reported for the HP at Border Cave, and Diepkloof has TL ages of between 65 and 55 ka (Rigaud et al., 2006). At Sibudu Cave, as at many other South African sites, the HP is replaced by about 60 ka (Villa et al., 2005b, Cochrane, 2006, Wadley and Jacobs, 2006, Jacobs et al., in press) with a flake technology characterised by a low standardisation of the end-products, many of which are retouched to obtain regular edges.
It is generally accepted that, by the time of the HP, and probably well before, people in southern Africa were anatomically modern (McBrearty and Brooks, 2000, Grün and Beaumont, 2001, Deacon and Wurz, 2005, Marean and Assefa, 2005, Brooks et al., 2006, Wadley, 2006, Lombard, 2008). This idea is based mostly on human remains from Klasies River (Rightmire, 1984, Rightmire and Deacon, 1991, Bräuer et al., 1992) and Border Cave (Beaumont et al., 1978, Rightmire, 1979, Rightmire, 1984, Beaumont, 1980) and to a lesser extent on the identification of modern features in human remains from Ethiopia, such as Herto (White et al., 2003) and Omo Kibish I (McDougall et al., 2005).
Section snippets
Archaeological material
Apart from the newly discovered bone points from Sibudu Cave, our MSA sample (Table 2) is restricted to three pieces from Blombos Cave interpreted as spear points, and one specimen each from Peers Cave and Klasies River (according to Singer and Wymer (1982), but d'Errico and Henshilwood (2007) question an MSA attribution for the Klasies piece). The LSA material selected for comparison includes 13 points from three sites, and the Iron Age sample comprises 25 points from one site. Bone arrow
Sibudu specimens
Specimen A (Fig. 4) is a refitted bone point from unit B5d, layer GS. The body of the piece was found in hearth C, in grey rocky sediments, while the tip came from a white ash layer below the hearth. The piece represents an indeterminate small mammal limb bone with an ancient break on the proximal end. It measures 49.34 mm in length, and has a maximum width and thickness of 5.51 mm and 5.61 mm, respectively. Manganese dioxide coats much of the piece, though exposed areas show ochre-brown
Discussion
Three fragmentary formal bone tools have been recovered from the HP layers at Sibudu Cave: the end of a thin spatula-shaped piece with polish reminiscent of bones experimentally used to work animal hides, a shaped pin that may have been used in delicate piercing tasks, and the tip of what most certainly is the head of a deliberately worked projectile point. While confirming the existence of a bone tool technology in the HP, their identification also raises questions about the role that bone
Conclusion
The finding of three task-specific bone tools in unequivocal HP layers at Sibudu Cave confirms the existence of a bone tool industry in the HP. Comparative analysis of bone points shows a reduction in size between the Still Bay and the HP, and between the HP and the LSA. We tentatively interpret this, together with the extreme symmetry recorded in the tip of the Sibudu Cave point, as a shift from the use of hand-delivered bone spear heads in the Still Bay to bow and bone arrow technology in the
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the staff at Museum Africa for facilitating research on the ethnographic collections, and Ann Wanless for a copy of her unpublished PhD thesis on the Fourie collection of Khoisan ethnologica. We thank Tom Huffman for providing access to the Mapungubwe Iron Age collection, Marlize Lombard and Gary Trower for helpful discussions, and Janette Deacon and Maria van der Ryst for suggested readings. We also acknowledge the useful comments of four anonymous referees. The research
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