Ethnicity and National Identity

The Ayoréode are a cross-border indigenous group living in the Chaco Boreal in Bolivia and Paraguay, whose (former) semi-nomadic way of life and history are marked by movement, both voluntary mobility and forced displacement. Since the mid-20th century, mission societies sedentarised most Ayoréode, and ethnologists interested in their “traditional culture” initiated research and collecting in mission villages. This article analyses the Ayoréode collection at the BASA Museum of the University of Bonn, created between 1955 and 2018, as a glocal place. It describes how the artefacts’ and collectors’ movements intermingle with those of individual and institutional actors involved in and beyond the collecting activities in (historical) contexts shaped by globally occurring endeavours like colonisation, Christianisation, and ethnographic research. It also addresses the recent threads tied by the authors’ engaging through researching, extending, and displaying the collection, which join the artefacts’ ongoing itineraries to new places, including the online portal for Collections from Colonial Contexts in Germany.

Originariamente pentacordica, la simsimiyya vede il suo sviluppo organologico parallelamente ad un processo di acquisizione di significato e connotazione identitaria tra le comunità delle città del Canale di Suez. La simsimiyya arrivò in quest’area attraverso varie ondate e rotte migratorie, ma si ritiene sia stata principalmente introdotta nella regione nel XIX secolo dai lavoratori di origine nubiana e sudanese impiegati nella costruzione del Canale. Il suo sviluppo organologico ed il cambiamento delle sue forme musicali sono il risultato di complesse condizioni socio-culturali nelle quali il ruolo del suonatore di simsimiyya cambiò durante gli eventi del Canale dagli anni ’50 in poi. Da strumento suonato da operai e pescatori nei caffè del porto, con le guerre del 1956 e 1967 la simsimiyya venne elevata a strumento di resistenza popolare ed anticoloniale ed iniziò ad essere suonata al di fuori del suo ambiente originario, trasformandosi anche in uno strumento da palcoscenico. Iniziò quindi ad arricchire il proprio repertorio aggiungendo elementi della tradizione urbana ed elevandosi a strumento del genere ṭarab e sviluppando diverse realizzazioni sonore, a seconda dello spazio geografico e sociale in cui viene suonata. Oggi la sismimiyya si comporta come aggregante collettivo nelle varie dinamiche sociali ed è simbolo di orgoglio identitario delle comunità del Canale di Suez.

A groundswell of Syrian refugees pouring into Jordan threatens to increase social and political tension as a result of greater claims to limited resources and differing perceptions of refugees' rights and obligations. The risk for Jordan is heightened by the fact that it could upset King Abdullah's cautious reform policy aimed at preventing widespread discontent from morphing into a popular revolt. THE UNENDING flow of Syrian refugees into Jordan has placed acute pressure on the kingdom's ability to cope with the crisis. It threatens to increase social and political tension as a result of increased claims to limited resources and differing perceptions of refugees' rights and obligations.

Moscow's ability to prevent chaos and anarchy in Syria and risks wider conflict in the Fertile Crescent and beyond. Russian policy towards the Syrian crisis is seen internationally as supporting president Bashar al Assad's brutal crackdown on anti-government insurgents and opposition protestors. In Syria, where intense fighting has spread from Damascus to Aleppo, many believe the international community has abandoned them and left to fend for themselves against the superior firepower of the Syrian military. Russia's pro-Assad policy bodes ill for Moscow's ability to contribute to preventing a descent into chaos and anarchy by a post-Assad Syria. It also holds out little promise for Russia's ability to help prevent the Syrian crisis from spilling across borders into Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan and Turkey. The risk for Russia is that its pro-Assad policy will produce the very situation it is seeking to avoid: increased volatility and conflict across the Fertile Crescent that could reinforce already restive population groups and Islamic militants in its own Muslim republics. It also risks troubling its relations with post-revolt states in the Middle East and North Africa where public opinion has little sympathy for the Assad regime and its perceived backers. Recent attacks on two prominent Muslim clerics in the Russian autonomous oil-rich republic of Tartarstan on the Volga River, may help explain Russian support for the Assad regime. Within minutes of each other in July, Tartarstan's deputy mufti was assassinated and the mufti wounded in two separate but carefully timed attacks. The two men, Valilulla Yakupov and Idius Faizov, were known for their criticism of militant Islam, and their support for Russian federal government efforts to isolate the militants and their commercial interest in the lucrative business of pilgrimages to the holy city of Mecca. To counter the militants, who are spreading out from their base in Chechnya and the Caucasus, the two muftis had fired extremist clerics and banned the use of religious textbooks from ultra-conservative Saudi Arabia. The influx of radical clerics was in response to a call by Chechen separatist leader Doku Umarov, the self-RSIS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the

The recent commando raid on a prison by Indonesian special forces provoked renewed debate about the need to further reform the military and subject it to civilian justice -15 years after the end of autocratic rule in Jakarta. This illustrates the difficult road post-revolt nations in the Middle East and North Africa have to travel. THE RECENT RAID of an Indonesian prison and summary execution of four inmates by heavily armed Special Forces commandos has cast the spotlight on the risk involved in failing to fully reform the country's military -15 years after the end of autocratic rule.

The Middle East's multiple conflicts, with Islamic State (IS) in the forefront, are altering the contours of the Middle East in more ways than one. After effectively redrawing the map of Iraq and Syria with the creation of an entity of its own, IS' impact in Kurdistan is likely to have far-reaching consequences for the region's demographics. THE SYRIAN civil war and Iraqi sectarian conflicts involving Islamic State (IS) have had far-reaching consequences for the demographics across the region. Once a relatively ethnically homogeneous autonomous region, Iraqi Kurdistan has seen its demography change radically as large numbers of Arab refugees pour into what was once an independent Kurdish state-in-waiting. The influx of refugees fleeing areas of Iraq controlled by IS and fighting across the country, has pitted the Iraqi military and Shia militias against the jihadists.

Siódma część cyklu analizuje mechanizmy miękkiego wpływu budowane wokół środowisk rodzimowierczych, rekonstruktorskich, neosłowiańskich i metapolitycznych. Jej osią nie jest już agresywne zaplecze ani jawna symbolika skrajna, lecz produkcja autorytetu: proces, w którym żerca, rekonstruktor, wydawca, youtuber, bloger, prelegent, konsultant i organizator wydarzenia zaczynają występować jako przewodnicy po historii, duchowości, tradycji i tożsamości.

Równoległa akademia nie jest uczelnią, lecz obiegiem prestiżu. Powstaje wtedy, gdy te same nazwiska, książki, kanały, wydarzenia, blogi, rytuały, patronaty i rekomendacje powracają w wielu miejscach, tworząc wrażenie niezależnego potwierdzenia. Autorytet nie zawsze wynika wtedy z warsztatu badawczego, recenzji i procedury źródłowej. Może być skutkiem widzialności, funkcji obrzędowej, sprawności medialnej, rozpoznawalności wydawnictwa, obecności w instytucji kultury albo wzajemnego wzmacniania się osób z tego samego obiegu.

Artykuł odróżnia zwykłą popularyzację historii, rekonstrukcję, rodzimowierstwo i pasję do Słowiańszczyzny od tych sytuacji, w których edukacja przechodzi w metapolitykę. Kluczowe napięcie zaczyna się tam, gdzie wykład zastępuje procedurę sprawdzania, obrzęd zaczyna pełnić funkcję dowodu, książka staje się pieczęcią środowiskowego kanonu, blog lub mem przejmuje rolę arbitra prestiżu, a instytucja publiczna nieświadomie wzmacnia prywatny obieg autorytetów.

Kolejne rozdziały opisują produkcję autorytetu środowiskowego, przejście od wykładu do wtajemniczenia, role żercy, rekonstruktora, wydawcy i youtubera, wydawnictwo jako aparat kanonizacji, parasol naukowy, blogerów antylechickiej policji prestiżu, wikingofili, kanały wideo, muzealno-konferencyjną pieczęć, wydarzenie jako seminarium, festiwalizację wiedzy, ekonomię samorządowo-sponsorską, mit prześladowania, sieć wzajemnych zaproszeń oraz higienę źródeł.

Festiwalizacja, rekonstrukcja, geopolityka i antylechicka kontrnarracja pojawiają się tu tylko w zakresie potrzebnym do opisania równoległej akademii; pełniejsze rozwinięcie tych pól należy do kolejnych części cyklu.

The Assam Cattle Preservation Act, 2021, implemented by the Assam Government, has drastically changed the cattle trade landscape in India's Northeast borderland towns. The Indo (Naga)-Myanmar borderland villages have emerged as preferred locations for cattle trade. Our paper examines this cross-border animal trade and its methodological approach to unravel diverse ontologies. Walking as a mode of transport for trade, livelihood, medical help, and deepening kith and kin relations in the borderland is a common practice to evade the state's agents. Moreover, after the Government of India scrapped the Free Movement Regime and introduced a biometric system for border management, indigenous tribes at the border faced adverse implications. Borderland communities, especially those from the Myanmar side, face multiple burdens marked by poverty of infrastructure, insurgency, and others. Our ethnographic experience opens up a new terrain to rethink how state and nonstate actors are constituted, experienced, and contested vis-à-vis co-exist in practice.

This study investigates the phenomenon of the frontiersmen, that is, the Czech minority border communities, as a part of the discourse of the Czech nationalist movement. Via the example of the Czechoslovak National Democracy party, it traces the frontiersmen on two levels. In the first section, the study reconstructs the functions and significance that the nationalists attributed to Czechs living within a linguistically mixed (predominantly German-speaking) region of Czechoslovakia. The second part seeks an answer to the question concerning the position the frontier phenomenon occupies within the myth-symbol complex of the Czech national identity and the philosophy of history. The conclusion is dedicated to evaluating the possibilities of viewing the frontiersmen as a specific variant of a national minority. Central Europe symbolises a locus classicus of space where national and state borders became the cause of political tensions and conflicts. After the Great War, the victors addressed the issue of the multi-nationhood of the Austro-Hungarian empire. In the light of Wilson's Fourteen Points, the Habsburg monarchy was replaced by smaller 'nation-states' (Neiberg 2017; Makiłła and Řezník 2020; Prokš 2022), one of which was Czechoslovakia. National problems, the legacy of the Austro-Hungarian empire, immediately manifested themselves here in several ways. For the purposes of this study, it is necessary to outline two of these. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Foucault’s intellectual legacy is vast, spanning a wide range of fields and analytical concerns. However, he has very little to say about one of the most important phenomena that has shaped modern world – nationalism. This article argues that the social dynamics of modernity and the transformation of collective subjectivities cannot be adequately understood without addressing processes of nation-formation. Since nationalism operates as the dominant organisational, ideological, and micro-interactional infrastructure of late modernity, the article examines what Foucault’s fragmentary reflections on nationhood can contribute to understanding the contemporary social world. The article offers a critical assessment of poststructuralist approaches that conceptualise nationalism primarily as a grand metanarrative and it traces how Foucauldian analytical tools have been adapted and extended to engage with the realities of a deeply nation-centred global order. The article identifies key strengths and limitations of Foucauldian perspectives on nationalism and advances an alternative theoretical framework to explain its enduring potency. This framework emphasises the expanding coercive capacities of social organisations, their intensifying ideological penetration, and their increasing envelopment of micro-level solidarities.

This study examines how practitioners of self-spirituality conceptualize their spiritual identity. On the basis of 62 in-depth interviews with secular Jewish Israelis engaged in various spiritual practices, we find that spiritual identity is constructed through a distinctive cultural logic we term disidentification-a systematic resistance to conventional markers of identity. Although participants affirm spirituality as central to "who I am," they simultaneously reject understandings of identity as stable, coherent, socially anchored, constant, or distinctive. Each dimension involves a paradox: Practitioners find stability in commitment to remain unstable, achieve constancy through embracing intermittence, and construct coherent self-narratives around the refusal of coherence. We show how disidentification intersects with other salient identities, and how its paradoxical structure provides practical resources for navigating between spiritual aspirations and social demands. Contributing to debates on spiritual fluidity versus coherence, we demonstrate that fluidity itself constitutes the shared cultural logic of spiritual identity. Nurit Zaidman and Michal Pagis contributed equally to this work.

В 2020 году в Центре новейшей истории Академии Наук Узбекистан в рамках исследовательского проекта был подготовлена и издана книга-альбом «Вклад народа Узбекистана в Победу над фашизмом» (авторы и составители: С. Саидолимов, М. Рахимов, К. Сагдуллаев, Р. Назаров, Х. Бабаджанов). В издание были использованы большого количества исторических источников и документов, редкие фотографии, хранящиеся в архивах и личных собраниях граждан. Выражаем огромную благодарность ведомствам, музеям и архивам, ветеранам и их семьям, ученым и специалистам за сотрудничество в подготовке данной книги-альбома.

Por primera vez en español, El Imperio latino de Alexandre Kojève: un texto que puede considerarse ya un clásico.
En 1945, poco antes de incorporarse al Ministerio de Economía francés, Kojève redactó un memorándum de incierto destinatario.
Su diagnóstico: Europa está atrapada entre imperios en pugna, sin voz política propia.
¿Puede eso cambiar? ¿Cómo y a costa de qué?
Ha sido un auténtico placer traducir este texto para La Torre del Virrey, por iniciativa del profesor Antonio Lastra.

For the first time in Spanish, Alexandre Kojève’s The Latin Empire: a text that can already be considered a classic.
In 1945, shortly before joining the French Ministry of the Economy, Kojève drafted a memorandum of uncertain addressee.
His diagnosis: Europe is caught between competing empires, without a political voice of its own.
Can that change? How—and at what cost?
It has been a genuine pleasure to translate this text for La Torre del Virrey, at the initiative of Professor Antonio Lastra.

[This essay first appeared on the LA Progressive website on May 7, 2026.] In a late April 2026 New York Times Opinion column, Thomas Edsall declared “Trump Is ‘Easily the Worst President in U. S. History.’” Edsall divides his article into two parts. In Part 1, he lists the main reasons he personally thinks Trump is the worst; in Part 2 he indicates some of the reasons that experts he contacted think Trump is so bad.  In addition to these two lists of reasons, I could add two more to the lists: 1) Trump’s complete lack of respect for truth-telling and 2) his attempts to dismantle diversity gains. No wonder Edsall’s last line is, “Voters in this country twice elected a president with no ethics, no empathy and no end to his narcissism.”

In the early hours of April 29, a statue was installed in London on Waterloo Place, St. James, an area designed to celebrate imperialism and military dominance of the British Empire in the 1800s. The sculpture sits near statues of Edward VII and Florence Nightingale, and the Crimean War Memorial.

L’article traite des problemes lies a la reduction progressive du nombre d’apprenants de la langue russe dans les ecoles maliennes, analyse les causes de ce phenomene et suggere des recommandations pour sa resolution. L’auteur dresse egalement un apercu historique de la cooperation russo-malienne et de la contribution de l’ex-URSS au developpement socio-economique de la Republique du Mali.

“Korea at the Crossroads of Times”. The full text of a Russian travelogue book in which the author, a professional Korean scholar, recounts Korea and Koreans as she got to know them while studying and working in the country from 1993 to 1996—shortly after the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the USSR (Russia) on September 30, 1990. Based on diary entries, materials from South Korean newspapers of the time, Korean studies literature, and, most importantly, on the author’s experience of constant, lively communication with Koreans, among whom she found good friends. Concluded with a selection of photographs of that time Korea, which as they say, no longer exists. Is it so? The author discusses this topic in the added in the end her article “Is Korea Still Standing 'at the Crossroads of Times'?" in the "Russian Koreans" newspaper, No. 101, March 2008.

Low-wage Tamil migrant workers have long been contributing to Singapore's economy. Despite labouring there for three decades and being connected to the existing Tamil diasporic community in Singapore, they have been left out of both state rhetoric and society, often due to claims of transience. However, a fatal traffic accident in the locality of Singapore's Little India in December 2013 involving a Tamil migrant worker that morphed into a riot has again brought the problems of these men and their presence within the vicinity of Little India to the fore. This paper is based on a wider ethnographic study of a group of Tamil migrant workers from the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu who were working in Singapore in 2012. The homely feelings experienced by the migrant workers highlight their feelings of homesickness vis-à-vis the need for a sense of belonging felt amongst transnational male migrant workers. On the other hand, practices that make the space unhomely for them not only illustrate their social position but will also lead to to the study of the governmentality of migration and control of migrant bodies.

This collection consists of the Arabic papers of Rev. Eli Smith (1801-1857), leading American Protestant missionary at Beirut. It contains his correspondence with several Syrian Protestants and others, including leading figures of the Arab Nahda Butrus al-Bustani and Mikha'il Mishaqa. The collection is at the Houghton Library, Harvard, part of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) fonds with the classification ABC50. It is in three archival boxes, each containing a number of paper folders. The folders have no numbers or classifications marked: I record them in the order I found them in the boxes in 2016; it is possible they may have been misplaced and got into a different order since. Some folders contain parts of old folders with titles, or partial handlists. My understanding is that the Arabic papers were sorted from Smith's English papers (ABC60) when the latter were sorted and catalogued by J. F. Coakley.

The aim of this study is to examine social perceptions of Kurds through user-generated comments on the online platform Ekşi Sözlük and to evaluate these perceptions within conceptual categories. For this purpose, all entries containing the keywords "Kurd" and "Kurds" on Ekşi Sözlük (a total of 1,181 comments) were collected, classified, and analyzed. A qualitative content analysis method was employed, in which user comments were systematically reviewed and classified into both positive and negative categories. The distribution of comments was supported with descriptive statistics (percentage distributions), and each category was analyzed within its sociological and cultural context. Findings indicate that while negative categories, particularly the theme of "terror," were prominent, positive comments also held notable significance. In particular, the emphasis on cultural diversity, hospitality, contributions to social solidarity, and harmony within shared living practices emerged as the dominant elements of positive perceptions. In conclusion, it was determined that social perceptions of Kurds are not solely shaped by exclusionary views but also include inclusive and unifying perspectives, which may contribute to strengthening social peace and a culture of coexistence.

Since the end of the Cold War, Washington has actively pursued a foreign policy inimical to the national interests of the United States. To paraphrase Pat Buchanan, Washington seeks an empire, not a republic. And it is pursuing empire through a Sovietization of U.S. foreign policy. This occurred because the Democratic and Republican Parties have been seduced by three false beliefs:
1. History proves the United States is the only successful politico-economic model for the rest of the world to emulate. 
2. As the world’s most powerful nation, the United States has an obligation
to insure global peace and economic development by imposing its model
on the rest of the world. 
3. The rest of the world desires to have the United States impose its model
on them. 
Acting on such beliefs, Washington adopted a Marxist attitude toward
countries, cultures, and economies.  Including its own.

Kymlicka asks whether the Marshallian vision of society- and membership-making remains relevant when thinking about possible Indigenous futures. In this article, I first respond to this question. Given the meticulousness of Kymlicka’s analysis, my response should be read as complementary, offering additional considerations that I think warrant further attention. I then engage the challenge Kymlicka poses at the close of his Indigeneity section, where he observes that many Indigenous peoples aspire to nest kinship and citizenship, including the steering and social rights associated with citizenship. He also urges political theorists to take this aspiration seriously and explore the conditions of its realization. I examine this aspiration under the rubric of what I provisionally call here decolonial citizenship-making.

This article examines the case of the Zo of Manipur, a State in northeast India, who are invariably known as 'Kuki', 'Chin' and 'Lushai' in colonial ethnography. It demonstrates how invoking a specific moment of migration or arbitrary timeline to deny indigeneity and declare them 'illegal immigrants' in their own ancestral homeland is driven by a subtle political project to dissolve the Zo people's historical access to, and control of, land, territory, and resources in the hill areas. I investigate how invoking a specific colonial reference to a wave of migration by a section of the Zo without considering their prior occupations of Manipur and the Indo-Myanmar borderlands prepared the ground for xenophobic, contentious, and violent politics in recent times. The exclusive claim by the dominant Meitei community that they and the Naga are the only Indigenous groups in Manipur, and their use of that claim to determine an exclusive citizenship regime at the expense of the Zo, goes against the grain of the group-differentiated citizenship ordained by the Indian Constitution. I argue that any attempt to permanently exclude and 'otherise' them may obstruct the promotion of inter-communal peace in Manipur.

This article examines the collective memory practices of the second and third generations of Turkish- speaking Greeks whose ancestors migrated from the Black Sea region to Northern Greece following the 1923 Turkish-Greek Population Exchange. The ethnographic research, which began in 2017 and was deepened through a year of continuous fieldwork conducted between November 2021 and November 2022, was carried out through twenty oral history interviews and participant observation. The research reveals that the memory of this community exhibits a contradictory structure shaped by a constant negotiation between public alignment with the homogenized Greek national and “Pontic” narratives and the distinct memory practices sustained in everyday life. This article examines this contradictory memory structure through three analytical dimensions: the use of Turkish in daily life, food practices, and embodied rituals based on music and dance. The findings demonstrate that memory is a performative process that is reproduced depending on context, space, and interaction. In this framework, the study makes visible the unique memory experience of a community that remains invisible within the often homogenized “Pontic” narrative in Population Exchange literature, thus offering a theoretical contribution to collective memory studies through the concept of contradictory memory.

Le clivage maraboutique en Kabylie et ses rémanences dans l'histoire politique contemporaine une lecture de la rivalité Aït Ahmed-Saïd Sadi Résumé Cet article propose une analyse du clivage historique entre groupes maraboutiques et nonmaraboutiques en Kabylie, en montrant comment cette distinction, loin d'être un simple héritage anthropologique, continue d'informer les dynamiques politiques contemporaines. À travers l'étude de deux figures majeures-Hocine Aït Ahmed et Saïd Sadi-il s'agit de démontrer que les formes de légitimité politique en Kabylie demeurent structurées par des représentations anciennes de l'autorité, de la tradition et de la modernité.

This article examines the role of metaphorical language in Persian language reform debates in Pahlavi Iran (1925-1979), a period when language codification became central to the Pahlavi nation-building project. Drawing on Conceptual Metaphor Theory, the analysis explores how linguistic purists and antipurists employed metaphors from botanical, zoological, political, and medical domains to articulate competing visions of Persian's past, present, and future. The data analyzed in the research is excerpted from a larger corpus of 130 texts written by Iranian intellectuals and published between the 1920s to 1970s. The study focuses on how abstract concepts of language contact and reform were conceptualized in diverging discourses about language through concrete, embodied experiences. The findings reveal that despite their opposing ideological positions, both camps drew from identical metaphorical source domains, demonstrating how the same conceptual mappings could serve radically different argumentative purposes. Purists depicted Persian as a garden requiring weeding of foreign elements or a sick body needing purification from Arabic contamination. Antipurists inverted these same metaphors, portraying purism itself as а disease threatening linguistic vitality. Political metaphors of citizenship and border control further illuminate how questions of lexical belonging and foreignness became representative of broader discussions about national identity. This analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of how metaphors function as the cognitive machinery through which linguistic nationalism operates at the level of thought itself. By naturalizing ideological positions through pre-existing embodied knowledge, these metaphorical schemas reveal language reform as a site where competing visions of Iranian national identity and linguistic authenticity were negotiated through vivid figurative language that made abstract linguistic concepts tangible, emotionally resonant, and ultimately actionable.

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Studies on Muslim self-conception within Central Asia have flourished over the past twenty years in Post-Soviet Central Asia as they did in the 1960s and 1970s within Afghanistan. This research provides qualitative data to compare studies on identity formation within Central Asia, particularly among Uzbeks. From 2018-2019, the author interviewed 20 Uzbek speakers and conducted participant observation in a community of Afghan Uzbeks in Northern Afghanistan. The study sought to understand how Uzbek-speaking Sunni Afghans negotiate their identity, particularly with regard to role of religion in that identity formation. This data was analysed using the grounded theory tools of coding, memo-writing, and theory development. The study found that religion played a role in defining identity and ethnicity by reinforcing their membership in the collective identity of the nation of Afghanistan. It also indicated the importance of foreign association in formulating diverse expressions of Muslim identity.

OSINT (Open Source Intelligence), as a field of information gathering from open sources, is unintentionally pervasive in our lives. Its various methods make an indispensable contribution, not only to the work of individuals, but also to that of economic actors and even public organisations, including government bodies, responsible for security. However, their application also presents a number of advantages, but also a number of disadvantages. It has evolved beyond the use of traditional open sources and is closely linked to cyberspace and the various ICT solutions based on it. At the same time, their spread and their dynamic changes have a direct impact on OSINT methods. Taking into account the changes, caused by the effects of continuous development, the paper aims at reflecting on the boundaries of open source information gathering as a category.

Il libro di Riccardo Di Segni e Gad Lerner, Ebrei in guerra. Dialogo tra un rabbino e un dissidente (Feltrinelli, 2025) nasce da un «confronto privato, anche aspro» (così lo qualifica Lerner) che diviene polemica aperta e dura, ma nel rispetto. La rottura umana è evitata. Il Novecento ci ha abituato a molte "guerre degli spiriti"-ne scrisse per primo H. Kellermann nel 1915 (Der Krieg der Geister)-e proprio Di Segni, poco prima del 7 ottobre 2023, aveva avvertito il rischio di «una guerra civile tra ebrei», già accaduta «altre volte della storia»: a fine estate era giunto al culmine lo scontro istituzionale tra il presidente di Israele, Herzog, e Yarív Levin, ministro della giustizi di Nethaniyau sostenitore del controllo dell'esecutivo sulla magistratura e la Corte suprema. La democrazia, in Israele, era considerata da molti a rischio. Proprio la dura polemica rende questo libro un libro "probo", intellettualmente onesto, nell'accezione di Salvemini (Mussolini diplomatique, Paris 1932): Noi non possiamo essere imparziali. Possiamo solo essere intellettualmente onesti: cioè renderci conto delle nostre passioni, tenerci in guardia contro di esse e mettere in guardia i nostri lettori contro i pericoli della nostra parzialità. L'imparzialità è un sogno, la probità un dovere. Così Salvemini.

Etnické identity patria k základným formám komunikovania existencie v každej ľudskej spoločnosti. Dlhé desaťročia intenzívneho výskumu historikov, etnológov, sociológov a antropológov preukázali, že tieto identity nie sú prirodzene existujúcimi danosťami, ale naopak, boli v dejinách opakovane konštruované a manipulované podľa potreby
danej doby.

больших данных, и искусственного интеллекта существенно расширяет возможности инновационных исторических исследований.  В рамках этой новой концепции важное значение имеет создание просопографических баз данных, позволяющих систематизировать биографические сведения о больших группах людей и выявлять скрытые закономерности социальной истории. В данной статье предпринята попытка изучения перспектив конструирования просопографической базы данных корейцев Казахстана как источника для инновационного анализа традиционной парадигмы.
Возникновение корейской диаспоры Казахстана связана с депортацией из Дальнего Востока в 1937 г.  В настоящее время более чем 110 тысячная диаспора корейцев стала одной из наиболее образованных и профессионально диверсифицированных этнических групп страны. Несмотря на значительный корпус исследований и источников о корейцах Казахстана и соседних стран Центральной Азии, а также России, до настоящего времени нет единой, полной, комплексной и систематизированной дигитальной базы данных, объединяющей всю совокупность биографической информации о представителях этой этнической мета-группы, имеющей этническое самоназвание коре сарам.
В статье ставится вопрос о целесообразности и возможности создания просопографической базы, корейцев Казахстана, включающей сведения о происхождении, образовании, профессиональной деятельности, местах проживания и социальных связях корейцев Казахстана. В нее войдут весь аналоговой и цифровой контент корпуса всех потенциальных источников.  Статья аргументирует, что интеграция исторических источников в цифровые базы данных открывает новые перспективы для междисциплинарных исследований, объединяющих историю, социологию, демографию и цифровые гуманитарные науки. Создание и использование просопографической базы корейцев Казахстана может стать важным инструментом для изучения трансформации советских и постсоветских этнических сообществ.

This article, highlighting the Naga self-determination movement, shifts borderland studies' emphasis from international borders to internally contested boundaries. The Naga approach, demanding a sovereign state since the mid-1940s decolonisation era, privileges the Westphalian territorial sovereignty template. However, various Naga lobbies have explored other models that transcend borders-territorial, Indigenous, divine and food sovereignty. We revisit these and present the Zeme Naga case. Divided by state, district and economic barriers, this ethnic group has recently pioneered a de-territorialised, cross-border and grassroots solidarity experiment-the Zeme Olympics, demonstrating how local communities use relational politics to assert agency, rethink sovereignty and challenge borders.

This paper analyzes the term brua within the spiritual landscapes of Curaçao, Bonaire, and Aruba, moving beyond its common definition as mere sorcery. By examining the linguistic origins and the historical criminalization of Afro-spiritual practices, the study highlights a fundamental distinction between sanctioned communal healing and ego-driven, coercive actions. Drawing on Bakongo cosmological frameworks and local ethnographic records, it argues that brua is often a moral label imposed by external or colonial frameworks rather than an internal religious system. The work seeks to restore the ethical complexity of Afro-Creole heritage by distinguishing it from the stigmatized caricatures produced by historical social anxieties. The Semantic and Historical Landscape of Brua Brua is the term commonly used for witchcraft and sorcery in Curaçao, Bonaire, and Aruba. In everyday speech, it refers to practices believed to influence people, events, or circumstances through the manipulation of natural, symbolic, or spiritual elements, most often with harmful, coercive, or disruptive intent. Although widely used, the term itself does not originate within Afro-Creole spiritual systems as a neutral or self-defining category. Rather, it functions as a broad and morally charged label, shaped by historical encounters, external judgments, and shifting social anxieties. As such, brua names less a coherent tradition than a field of suspicion in which power, intention, and responsibility are continuously negotiated.