Activation And Workfare

En el presente trabajo se discute cuál puede ser el impacto de los incentivos laborales de la introducción de una Renta Básica de Ciudadanía. Más en concreto, trata de explorarse si dicha medida está condenada al fracaso debido a que produciría una evacuación masiva del mercado de trabajo o si, por el contrario, tal evacuación no constituye un escenario plausible y, por tanto, la propuesta resulta sostenible y viable en este aspecto. Para llevar a cabo dicha discusión se emplean modelos formales de teoría de juegos, ya que estos presentan diversas ventajas frente a la elaboración mental intuitiva. El trabajo concluye que, como sostienen los defensores de la Renta Básica, la medida resulta viable y sostenible en los escenarios empíricamente más plausibles.

Speed’s Work is one of the most radical and urgent confrontations with the modern concept of labour and its underlying social values.
Timothy Speed — autistic artist, labour theorist, and human rights activist — has worked mostly unpaid for 27 years and was caught in a relentless struggle with
the German state. But this is not a personal story of hardship. It raises a fundamental question: What is the true value of work in a society ruled by capitalist logic?
At a time when creativity, care, and cultural labour are systematically devalued and replaced by economic metrics, Speed asserts that his work is not marginal but
vital. Like 80% of autistic people — and countless cultural workers — he earns nothing.
Yet his work contributes to society in ways that markets refuse to recognise: as care, critique, and creative intervention.
While the state forces him into poverty and criminalises his refusal to conform to capitalist norms, Speed uses his autistic capacity for pattern recognition to expose
abuses in courts, corporations, and public institutions. His investigations and public interventions reveal structural violence — and bring to light what society
prefers to conceal.
With his concept of „work-integrated relational agency,“ Speed proposes a new definition of labour: humane, creative, rooted in relationships, and oriented toward
social rather than merely economic value. In a world increasingly shaped by robotics and AI, he argues that resisting mechanised work structures is not just
legitimate, but essential to preserving human dignity and civic responsibility.
This is more than an autobiographical account. It is a manifesto for justice. A sharp critique of capitalist dehumanisation. And a roadmap toward a self-determined
future of work.
Speed insists that 21st-century labour must do more than produce goods or services — it must nourish and sustain the social fabric. Especially in an era of automation,
he calls for a radical revaluation of artistic and care work as the foundation of a truly humane society.
This book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how labour, the individual, and society are deeply entangled — how racist and exclusionary capitalist
systems really are — and how rethinking the meaning of work could help solve some of the most urgent crises of our time.

The present volume examines the political, epistemic, and economic structures through which modern welfare states produce, stabilize, and functionalize social vulnerability. The point of departure is the observation that poverty, institutional marginalization, and epistemic invisibility cannot be understood merely as accidental side effects of social systems, but frequently arise from specific administrative logics, knowledge orders, and labour regimes.

The first contribution develops the concept of povertism as an analytical category describing mechanisms through which poverty is not merely administered but actively produced and deployed as an instrument of social discipline. Using the German Hartz IV and Bürgergeld systems as central examples, the analysis shows how administrative procedures, sanction regimes, and categorical classifications generate structural vulnerability while simultaneously delegitimizing the knowledge and experiences of those affected. In this context, a functional concept of right-wing radical effects is proposed that does not refer to ideological self-descriptions but to institutional practices in which human dignity becomes effectively conditionalized.

The second contribution extends this analysis to the political economy of knowledge production. It examines a largely overlooked form of structural exploitation: the exploitation of neurodivergent epistemic labour. Many forms of long-term analysis, theoretical innovation, and cultural production emerge under conditions of institutional distance and material insecurity, while their results may simultaneously circulate within scientific, cultural, or political discourses. This constellation leads to a systematic decoupling of epistemic production from economic recognition.

The volume brings together perspectives from political economy, Critical Disability Studies, theories of epistemic injustice, and critical analyses of state administration. It argues that poverty, institutional marginalization, and epistemic invisibility in modern knowledge societies should not be understood solely as social problems but as structural components of existing orders of power and knowledge.

Against this background, the volume raises the question under which institutional and economic conditions socially necessary forms of work—particularly long-term epistemic labour—can be stabilized. Models of universal social security, such as the Universal Care Income, appear in this context not only as social policy reforms but also as possible infrastructural conditions for sustaining forms of knowledge production that cannot easily be integrated into existing labour and value regimes.

À l’aube du 230ᵉ anniversaire de la Révolution française, cette étude se propose d’éclairer une réalité trop souvent occultée : celle d’une République qui, sous couvert de modernisation et d’efficacité administrative, organise méthodiquement l’abandon de ses citoyens les plus vulnérables. Les suicides d’agriculteurs, la mortalité des sans-abri, l’exclusion des travailleurs précarisés par l’automatisation, ou encore les radiations administratives abusives ne sont pas des accidents regrettables, mais les symptômes d’un système conçu pour exclure plutôt que protéger.

À travers une analyse systémique, ce travail révèle comment les violences structurelles s’exercent par l’invisibilisation des souffrances, la légitimation des politiques contestables, et le déni des réalités par les élites. Il interroge le rôle des contre-pouvoirs traditionnels – médias, intellectuels, justice, syndicats – et montre comment leur défaillance collective a permis la perpétuation de ces mécanismes.

S’appuyant sur des données officielles, des études de terrain et des témoignages, cette étude ne se contente pas de dresser un constat : elle propose des pistes pour une refondation républicaine, où la dignité humaine redeviendrait le cœur des politiques publiques. Car une République qui sacrifie ses citoyens par négligence, par calcul ou par mépris n’est plus une République – elle n’est plus qu’un nom creux, une coquille vide, une machine administrative qui a oublié sa raison d’être.

Immunopathology plays important roles in the development of different life-threatening diseases, such as atherosclerosis and its consequences (acute myocardial infarction and stroke), cancer, chronic inflammatory diseases. Effective modulation of the immune system may significantly increase the efficacy of prevention and therapy efforts. Currently there are no marketed drugs capable of normalizing immune system function in an intrinsic and comprehensive way. Here, we describe a test system designed for complex analysis of monocyte activity in individuals to diagnose immunopathology and monitor treatment efficacy. This cell-based test system may also be useful for screening compounds with an immune-correcting effects. Both diagnostic and screening systems are based on primary culture of human monocytes and/or monocyte-derived macrophages. This is the first step in creating a method for assessment of macrophage activity, which is required for further development of immune-correcting d...

Bentonite clay collected from Jabal Umm Ali area NE of Khartoum (Sudan) was characterized by X-ray diffraction (XRD). It was then purified by treatment with distilled water and activated with sulfuric acid at 90 oC for 3.5 hrs. XRD indicated modification of activated bentonite with enhanced surface area. Several cations were removed from octahedral sheet (Mg, Al, and Fe). Increasing the acid concentration enhanced the degree of destruction of bentonite structure.  On bleaching semi-refined cottonseed oil with activated bentonite, 30% acid concentration was found to be optimal for color removal and that the local activated bentonite is more efficient in bleaching vegetable oil than the standard one. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/jbcs.v24i2.9708 Journal of Bangladesh Chemical Society , Vol. 24(2), 191-201, 2011

This thesis seeks to explore the reasons of the weakness of the Turkish Romani mobilization and the factors which spur or hinder this mobilization. In so doing, I analyze the impact of the domestic political opportunity structure and the supranational political opportunity structure (the EU) on the Romani mobilization in Turkey. I also examine the framing done by the Turkish Romani leaders to find out the intrinsic reasons of the weakness of this mobilization. This research relies on in-depth interviews conducted with five Romani leaders and four experts. These interviews were conducted in Edirne, Izmir, Istanbul and Budapest in April 2008. Moreover, although this thesis focuses on the Turkish Roma, a brief comparison of the Romani mobilization in Turkey with the Romani mobilization in Hungary is included. Thus, by looking at a strong case, I aim to display why the Turkish Romani mobilization is weak. I argue that the Turkish legislation on minorities is the main threat hindering this mobilization whereas urban renovation projects appear as an opportunity since they lead to a sense of solidarity among the Roma. Furthermore, the EU acts as both an opportunity and threat to the Turkish Romani mobilization. Based on the framings of the Romani leaders, I conclude that lack of education, lack of experience, prejudices, lack of solidarity, financial problems, organizational fragmentation, clashes in framings, and the fact that they identify themselves primarily as Turk constitute the main factors explaining the weakness of the Romani mobilization in Turkey.

This article explores how faith-based organisations have become key actors in delivering social services in rural Hungary. Drawing on qualitative research with social workers, community organisers and local development programme staff, it examines how care is used to govern marginalised communities through selective and spatially uneven interventions. The analysis focuses on three dimensions: the spatial logic of service provision, the political framing of Roma poverty, and the dilemmas faced by social work professionals navigating between institutional expectations, professional ethics and community needs. The study contributes to debates on social policy, care and professional agency in the context of welfare transformations.

A presente comunicação resulta de um projecto de investigação sobre o "Impacte do nível de escolarização (básico e secundário) na empregabilidade juvenil: Portugal no contexto europeu" desenvolvido pelo Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia (CIES-IUL) e pelo Instituto de Sociologia (ISFLUP) com o financiamento da Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia. O projecto decorreu entre 2009 e 2010 e contemplou diversos eixos analíticos. Um desses eixos é a base desta proposta de comunicação a apresentar no Encontro Nacional de SIOT: perceber em que medida os níveis de escolaridade se configuram como uma variável explicativa de diferentes tipos de relações de emprego dos jovens portugueses. Na comunicação começaremos por efectuar uma revisão das teorias do mercado de trabalho que tratam da relação entre o sistema educativo e o sistema produtivo, particularizando o caso português. Em seguida, com o recurso a uma análise de correspondências múltiplas (ACM) sobre dados não publicados dos Quadros de Pessoal para o ano de 2007, faremos a análise da associação de múltiplos indicadores aí disponíveis procurando a analisar os efeitos da escolaridade nos padrões de inserção profissional juvenil em Portugal. Para concluir, reflectiremos sobre como a ACM, com base em informação secundária, permitiu identificar padrões de inserção profissional juvenil ancorados num conjunto diverso de indicadores da relação de emprego; e de que modo esses resultados demonstram como a evolução das sociedades capitalistas tem intensificado a importância conferida à educação/formação no processo de empregabilidade, constituindo-a como uma variável central do funcionamento dos mercados de trabalho, nomeadamente no que toca à inserção profissional. Palavras chave: Inserção profissional juvenil, relação de emprego, empregabilidade, teorias do mercado de trabalho.

Au Maroc, en témoignent les titres dont regorgent les quotidiens et qui réfèrent à la fraude, à l'escroquerie, à l'incivilité, et ce dans tous les secteurs sans exception : justice, finance, éducation. De ce fait, les marocains sont de plus en plus désenchantés par les institutions dont ils dépendent et y manquent de confiance. Mais en dépit des efforts des gouvernements visant à réduire ces manifestations, ces problèmes persistent. D'où la nécessité d'adopter d'autres approches, surtout en l'absence de « l'éducation du caractère » de notre système éducatif. De ce point de vue, ce papier vient de montrer que nos institutions éducatives doivent assumer la responsabilité d'éducation du caractère, notamment les Business Schools dont le rôle ne devrait pas se limiter à la formation et à ce qui est purement technique.

The Work Programme's use of severe social security benefit sanctions reflects British coalition ministers' belief that many people on out-of-work benefits do not want a job. While a substantial empirical literature has repeatedly demonstrated that in fact unemployed benefit claimants possess the same work values as the employed and that the vast majority want paid work, it has ignored some conservative authors' pleas to consider the views and experiences of people who work with the unemployed. Forty employees of agencies contracted to help unemployed people into employment were interviewed in summer 2011. Respondents had spent an estimated combined total of 147,000 hours in the presence of people who have claimed Jobseeker's Allowance (JSA) for over six months. Most said that between a quarter and half of their present clients did not want employment. This finding does not contradict existing research, given that most JSA claimants re-enter employment within six months. However, all forty agreed that many others remained unemployed because they were choosy in the jobs they were willing to undertake, and, most strikingly, respondents overwhelmingly endorsed the view that a 'dependency culture' exists in households and neighbourhoods that have experienced joblessness for several generations.

Behavioural conditions have always been attached to the receipt of social security benefits for the UK's unemployed. These conditions have increased in number and scope in recent decades, alongside heavier sanctions for non-compliance, as part of a trend across OECD countries (Watts & Fitzpatrick, 2018). The UK Welfare Reform Act 2012 was a landmark in this process. Its "work search requirement" obliges claimants of unemployment benefitnow Universal Credit (UC), previously Jobseeker's Allowance (JSA)to take "all reasonable action" and "any particular action specified by the Secretary of State, for the purpose of obtaining work" (s. 17). In practice this means that a Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) 'Work Coach' can now compel an unemployed UC claimant, under threat of a financial penalty, to apply for a job of their choosing. Those who leave a job voluntarily and then apply for UC can now also face a "sanction" (s. 49). Heralding the 2012 Act, its architect, the then Secretary of State for Work and Pensions Iain Duncan Smith (2010), argued in a speech that "reinforced conditionality" to ensure claimants "take reasonable offers of work" was necessitated by the benefit system's regrettable drift towards one that "Beveridge warned against", in which "idleness" had become "institutionalised" (see Beveridge, 1942, p. 58). In the same speech, he claimed that in the 2000s British companies had been "unable to get British people to fill" some job vacancies, so "workers from overseas stepped

Some leading UK politicians have claimed that a culture of welfare dependency exists and that a sizeable number of unemployed benefit claimants lack an appropriate commitment to employment. Such claims were used to justify the 2012 Welfare Reform Act's new measures to steer unemployed claimants towards applying for and retaining jobs they might not want. The statistical analysis presented here is the first to explore possible connections between people's attitudes towards disliked/unattractive jobs, their parents' employment status, and the total time they have spent in unemployment. Logistic regression analysis used Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE)/Next Steps data on people born in 1989/90 to predict whether they spent an unusually long time unemployed between age eighteen and twenty-five; an attitude favouring joblessness over a disliked/unattractive job was a nonsignificant predictor in eleven of twelve multivariate models, and a weak predictor (OR = 1.32) in the other.

Le droit québécois, que le projet de loi 1 vise à développer sur le plan constitutionnel, a des racines profondes. Il trouve sa genèse dans la Nouvelle-France, les alliances franco-Autochtones qui lui donnèrent naissance et l'acclimatation du droit français. Le droit civil québécois -notre « constitution sociale » -a traversé les époques et survécu aux changements et ruptures politiques. Il fonde juridiquement l'existence d'une nation québécoise dans le cadre constitutionnel canadien. Pour atteindre ses objectifs, la constitution proposée dans l'actuel projet doit ordonner ce patrimoine, lui donner du sens, de la justesse et du poids politique. L'édifice devra être suffisamment cohérent et solide pour faire face aux menaces que font peser sur les prérogatives de la nation québécoise les pouvoirs centralisateurs du fédéral. La constitution, bouclier de l'intérêt national du Québec, devra aussi être le cadre de l'expression du peuple québécois, soit l'ensemble des citoyens, disposant d'eux-mêmes. La Constitution sera d'autant plus puissante qu'elle articulera avec soin le rapport du Québec à ses partenaires historiques que sont les nations autochtones du Québec, aux francophones du reste du Canada et aux aspirants -du Canada ou d'ailleurs -à l'intégration dans les rangs des citoyens du Québec, leur nouvelle patrie. 1-Prévoir dans la constitution, l'inscription d'une nationalité québécoise dans le Code civil : « 7. La loi déterminera, dans le Code civil, les règles relatives à la possession de la nationalité québécoise. » 2-L'adoption d'une Loi sur l'autodétermination interne des nations autochtones, afin qu'ils fassent pleinement partie de la constitution québécoise : « 24. La nation québécoise respecte le droit à l'autodétermination interne des nations autochtones, qui partagent un même territoire, selon les termes de la Déclaration des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones. » 3-Assurer la protection de l'hydroélectricité par une précision sur la protection de l'eau et de ses usages : « 20. L'État assure la protection du patrimoine commun de la nation québécoise. L'eau et ses usages font partie du patrimoine commun de la nation. » 4-Investir la nouvelle fonction de citoyen québécois de pouvoirs effectifs leur permettant de déclencher une convention citoyenne : « 45. Les citoyens québécois peuvent se saisir d'une question qui relève de leurs préoccupations légitimes, en convoquant une convention citoyenne visant à la résoudre. Les propositions de la convention seront transmises à l'Assemblée nationale. » 7. Les lacunes : les nations autochtones, la nationalité québécoise et la légitimation démocratique .

Purpose-This article explores how a disadvantaged ethnic minority is portrayed in government discourses related to social, family and workfare policies in an illiberal and authoritarian neoliberal system, using the case of Hungary and Hungarian Roma. In our paper, relying on the theory of post-raciality and, within this, the concepts of (in)visibilization, we aim to reveal to what extent Roma are perceived as the undeserving racialized poor. Design/methodology/approach-We deployed the policy frame analysis method to categorize policy discourse content into different frames: diagnostic (identification of the problem), prognostic (solutions to problems) and motivational (incentives for action to mobilize people). Three data sources were used: pro-government media articles, state-of-the-nation address speeches and the party manifesto of the governing party. The timeframe of the analysis was between 2010 and 2023. The dataset consisted of 75 documents. Findings-Only in a few cases did we find racializing language, typically at the beginning of the analyzed period, which gradually disappeared from the discourse, followed by a more paternalistic tone. We conclude that the notions of merit and self-responsibilization have been successfully used to hide (invisibilize) the structural causes of ethnic inequalities and shift the responsibility to individual efforts. The most vulnerable Roma, who are excluded from the labor market, are perceived as not accepting the neoliberal and paternalistic "social contract." At the same time, they are made invisible by being omitted from the official narrative. Originality/value-A wide range of literature tackles questions like how neoliberal authoritarianism is related to workfare policies and ethnic minorities. Much less is said about how vulnerable ethnic minority groups are perceived in authoritarian neoliberal regimes. This paper contributes to a better understanding of how such regimes perceive minorities: the use of the categories of racialized or non-racialized, and deserving or undeserving minorities.