The fall of the Berlin Wall marked the end of the Cold War but also the rise of a melancholic vision of history as a series of losses. For the political left, the cause lost was communism, and this trauma determined how leftists wrote the next chapter in their political struggle and how they have thought about their past since. Throughout the twentieth century, argues Left-Wing Melancholia, from classical Marxism to psychoanalysis to the advent of critical theory, (...) a culture of defeat and its emotional overlay of melancholy have characterized the leftist understanding of the political in history and in theoretical critique. Drawing on a vast and diverse archive in theory, testimony, and image and on such thinkers as Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin, Theodor W. Adorno, and others, the intellectual historian Enzo Traverso explores the varying nature of left melancholy as it has manifested in a feeling of guilt for not sufficiently challenging authority, in a fear of surrendering in disarray and resignation, in mourning the human costs of the past, and in a sense of failure for not realizing utopian aspirations. Yet hidden within this melancholic tradition are the resources for a renewed challenge to prevailing regimes of historicity, a passion that has the power to reignite the dialectic of revolutionary thought. (shrink)

The global economic crisis, the popular discontent against traditional parties and post-democratic forms of governance, as well as the sharp increase in migrant and refugee arrivals have led to the resurgence of populist parties around the world. Left-wing parties usually express an inclusionary populist discourse with patriotic features, while right-wing parties utilize an exclusionary populism with strong nationalist and xenophobic characteristics. In Greece in recent years, the radical left party of SYRIZA rose to power through a (...) left-wing populist and anti-imperialist discourse. Alexis Tsipras formed a paradox coalition government with the radical right party of ANEL to reach an agreement that would lessen the effects of austerity policies. However, once in office, SYRIZA transformed some features of its political style and began to follow a type of "pragmatic populism". This paper examines the relationship between populism and anti-imperialism, while analyzing SYRIZA's discourse in opposition and in power. The questions that it attempts to answer are: does Tsipras express an anti-imperialist discourse both in opposition and in power? What forces are considered imperialist by SYRIZA? Can the notion of "crypto-colonialism" explain the rise of left-wing populism in Greece? (shrink)

This essay addresses Gilles Deleuze’s view on which criterion is to be adopted when dealing with disputes in metaphysics and metametaphysics, while answering on Deleuze’s behalf to the objection widely shared among analytic philosophers that he has no criterion to approach such disputes. It is argued that an alternative criterion to address disputes in metaphysics and metametaphysics can be drawn out of Deleuze’s works: namely, accordance with a left-wing practice of politicization. This practice is characterized by its champions’ (...) tendency to privilege their power to show empathy toward others, and by their aim to bring to light the political character of apparently and/or allegedly apolitical approaches to the aforementioned disputes, such as the approaches of analytic philosophers themselves. (shrink)

Avoiding partisan diatribe, Left Wing, Right Wing, People, and Power traces the historical development of the left wing and the right wing to reveal that the core of politics is the conflict over power. Despite specific differences of time and place, political actions are consistently efforts to preserve or change the structure and dynamics of power. With this insight, we can better understand political positions and actions. -/- Written in an accessible style, this book (...) will inform readers regardless of where they see themselves on the political spectrum. With clear but nuanced definitions of political ideologies and movements, the author shows how politics is people seeking to express and expand their power in the social space around them. Thus, the clash of the left and right wings is not about grand ideologies but instead is about power relations and the flow of power among people. (shrink)

“Speak to it, Horatio. Thou art a scholar.” –Shakespeare, Hamlet -/- With the recent passing of the world’s “best-known unknown filmmaker,” Chris Marker, it is axiomatic that left-wing melancholy now includes the ongoing loss of previously lost causes – a paradox that suggests the true address of all lost causes worth defending is a strange confluence of past and futural states, as one state. This double loss as gain is also the primary mark of the “landscape” of pessimistic (...) optimism that also denotes the foremost position to occupy today in the battles associated with capitalist end times (Slavoj Žižek’s term). -/- Cultural ecology is no longer what it once was – that is to say, a strange amalgam of vernacular essences perpetrated in the rather forlorn 1970s and/or the insistent and incessant production of difference. Instead, cultural ecology invokes spectral civil war – arguably the very state of things today – and the return of “the dead” in the persistence of forms of high-formalist and high-conceptualist works of art and architecture. -/- This paper examines the late works of the late Chris Marker, including the very short videos he uploaded to YouTube under the pseudonym “Kosinki” from 2007 to 2011, an event contiguous with his return to exhibiting very-still photography from 2006 to 2011. -/- Marker’s simultaneous returns to still photography and the short film-essay are both magnificent gestures toward the austerities required of present-day media to effect the necessary “return” to what is always present in one form or another anyway – the non-place between world and world-to-come. (shrink)

This argument aims to provide an overview of the historical context and main factors shaping the relation between left-wing radical politics and emergency powers in interwar Europe. It also brings to the fore how left-wing radical movements fuelled, reacted to and were connected with the multiple crises of the time span between the two world wars. The main argument is that emergency powers had the potential and were turned into a vehicle for an authoritarian drive, as (...) several cases of that time illustrate. The abuse of emergency powers led to a normalisation of political violence and worked as a corrosive force against the liberal order in several European countries during the interwar period. (shrink)

Although it is clear that many cultural warriors on the Right exaggerate the level of Left-wing indoctrination in higher education, there is often a kernel of truth to their accusations. Just as the Right has become more extreme in its rhetoric and ideology, some factions on the Left have also become more hyperbolic. In order to examine some of the tendencies of the Left, I critique Asao Inoue’s anti-racist pedagogy to focus on how an emphasis on (...) race and racism can blind people from seeing the truth about our complicated social reality. (shrink)

The following paper explores the connection between melancholy and the political Left, pro-posing an alternative to the prevailing psychoanalytic model of mourning and melancholia. This alternative conceptualises melancholy as an epistemological, ethical and historiographic attitude. The distinction is established through 1) a critical engagement with the works of Wendy Brown and Jodi Dean, representative of prevailing interpretations of left melancholy, and 2) the exposition and synthesis of writings by various authors, including Jonathan Flatley, Enzo Traverso, Bini Adamczak, Jacques (...) Derrida and Mark Fisher. By reconstructing the in-herent logic in these texts, the paper presents and discusses key characteristics and arguments for a positive form of left melancholy. This exploration encompasses issues of remembrance, temporalities, and the Left’s relationship to defeats, among others. (shrink)

This paper seeks to explore whether and how the Greek left-wing criticism against Israeli politics challenges the state of Israel’s right to exist and spreads antisemitic mythopoesis by utilising ‘soft hate speech’. In particular, my aim is to shed light on an ideological paradox – the utilisation of discriminatory discourse by the Greek left – a multidimensional political power consisted of a wide range of ideologies that all defend human rights and are characterised by progressive perspectives; a (...) point that reveals that antisemitism is well rooted in the Greek society, revives in times of crisis and penetrates the whole political spectrum. By applying the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) and its argumentation strategies as an appropriate theory and methodology to analyse in detail such utterances, my attempt is to show how antisemitism has been constituted as a common sense beyond the limits of the far-right populist discourses. (shrink)

Friedrich Nietzsche has emerged as one of the most important and influential modern philosophers. For several decades, the book series Monographien und Texte zur Nietzsche-Forschung (MTNF) has set the agenda in a rapidly growing and changing field of Nietzsche scholarship. The scope of the series is interdisciplinary and international in orientation reflects the entire spectrum of research on Nietzsche, from philosophy to literary studies and political theory. The series publishes monographs and edited volumes that undergo a strict peer-review process. The (...) book series is led by an international team of editors, whose work represents the full range of current Nietzsche scholarship. (shrink)

SYRIZA is the first radical left party in Europe which managed to seize power through a strong inclusionary populist and anti-austerity discourse. In this paper, we examine the political discourse articulated by SYRIZA in power (2015-17) through Laclau’s theory and “Populismus” approach and we utilize the lexicometric tool of “Populismus Observatory” to search the frequently appeared words in Alexis Tsipra’s discourse. “Populismus” is a research project and an open access web-based Observatory at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (School of (...) Political Science) that analyzes populism through a discursive methodological framework. The simple lexicometric analysis can help us to sketch a statistical outline of the discourse, followed by theoretical scrutiny. Our aim is to find if SYRIZA transforms its rhetoric after the conquest of power (January 2015) and which central signifiers tends to use and avoid. Furthermore, we argue that the concept of “crypto-colonialism” can explain the dominance of egalitarian populism in the Greek politics but we question the use of the term for any inclusionary populist case. Moreover, we underline the failure of SYRIZA to fulfill the popular demands and we seek out the reasons of this fiasco. Finally, we try to answer to the following question: Does the case of SYRIZA prove that populism fails wherever it comes from (right or left)? (shrink)

Writing in the wake of the breakup of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the moral philosopher Bernard Williams considers the opposing claims of Rawlsian liberalism, with its emphasis on pluralism and procedural fairness, and communitarianism, which instead promotes more or less culturally homogeneous societies formed around shared values. Williams shares the communitarians’ critique of Rawls’s theory as excessively abstract, questioning whether a rational commitment to pluralism as the most just social arrangement can serve as a sufficiently binding social force. He (...) simultaneously resists, however, the conservative tendencies of the communitarians, particularly their dismissal of ethically motivated social critique. Grounded in the late philosophy of Wittgenstein, communitarians reject foundationalism, the notion that beliefs can be philosophically justified, instead regarding ideologically driven social arrangements as the result of inherently particular historical and environmental conditions. This perspective precludes rational reevaluation of a society’s status quo; if a society’s adoption of values does not depend on philosophically grounded principles, neither can those values be altered through a process of collective moral reasoning. For Williams, however, because pluralism is a condition of modern life with which even culturally homogenous communities must contend, members of modern societies are aware of alternatives to their own social model, leaving a space for self-critical reassessment. Finally, Williams suggests that the desire of cultural minorities for separate states in the post-Soviet geopolitical landscape underscores the limits of both pluralism and communitarianism, limits that all of us will need to grapple with as we confront the immediate social and political realities of modernity. (shrink)

Left-wing authoritarianism remains far less understood than right-wing authoritarianism. We contribute to literature on the former, which typically relies on surveys, using a new social media analytic approach. We use a list of 60 terms to provide an exploratory sketch of the outlines of a political ideology – tribal equalitarianism – with origins in 19th and 20th century social philosophy. We then use analyses of the English Corpus of Google Books (n > 8 million books) and scraped (...) unique tweets from Twitter (n = 202,582) to conduct a series of investigations to discern the extent to which this ideology is cohesive amongst the public, reveals signatures of authoritarianism and has been growing in popularity. Though exploratory, our results provide some evidence of left-wing authoritarianism in two forms: (1) a uniquely conservative signature amongst ostensible liberals using measures derived from Moral Foundations Theory and (2) a substantial prevalence of anger, relative to anxiety or sadness, in tweets analyzed for sentiment. In general, results indicate that this worldview is growing in popularity, is increasingly cohesive, and shows signatures of authoritarianism. (shrink)

This article revisits the left-wing response to sociobiology in the 1970s and 1980s by examining the sociobiology debate in Finland in a larger European context. It argues that the Finnish academic left’s response to sociobiology represents a “third way” alongside the purely negative, often Marxist denial of biology’s relevance, which characterized the left’s response to sociobiology in many European countries such as Hungary and Sweden, and alongside the disregard that sociobiology confronted in most parts of Eastern (...) Europe, as well as in Germany. In the context of the last great political conflict of the Cold War in Europe, the controversy over the American “Euromissiles” in 1979–1983, the Finnish academic left challenged the allegedly fatalistic sociobiological aggression and war theories with an alternative biological language, turning the increasing enthusiasm over evolutionary ideas into a pacifist cause. Using leftist and pacifist forums to inform citizens and politicians of such biologically evolved human characteristics as mutual care and sociability, the Finnish critics of sociobiology wished to boost the public spirit, and to rationalize the pacifist ideal of the European-wide popular movement against nuclear weapons and militarism. As a result, the academic leftists in Finland revived the early twentieth-century tradition of “peace biology.” A proper understanding of this development calls for an analysis that acknowledges Finland’s special geopolitical and cultural position in the Cold War world between East and West. (shrink)

1. IntroductionIn February 2019, the film Black Panther was awarded three Oscars in Los Angeles. Some reviewers embraced it for its anti-racist message against the resurgence of racism under U.S. president Donald Trump.1 It tells the story of a black hero who tries to steer the development of an ethnically pure, isolationist hereditary monarchy in Africa. The imaginary state of Wakanda, which presents itself to the rest of the world as a third-world country, has highly developed technologies at its disposal–at (...) the same time, one recalls archaic African myths there.2. (shrink)

Defends the variety of natural-law anarchism developed in Anarchy and Legal Order against multiple criticisms, primarily methodological.

This paper examines the underexplored parallelism between the thought of Austrian Marxist Otto Bauer and contemporary discussions on left-wing populism and national identity. While Marxist theory has often been accused of disregarding the political salience of national belonging, Bauer’s work offers a nuanced perspective, advocating for strategic engagement with national identities to counteract bourgeois and warlike nationalism. This study connects Bauer’s early 20th-century reflections to the strategies employed by 21st-century European left-populist movements, such as early Podemos in (...) Spain, identifying notable parallels in both political context and strategic insight. By revisiting Bauer’s critique of naive cosmopolitanism and his emphasis on national identity as a site of class struggle, the paper argues that 21st-century European left-wing populism, in seeking to reclaim national belonging and identity as platforms for progressive, inclusive politics, adopted a counter-hegemonic approach that closely resembles Bauer’s vision. (shrink)

Taking its inspiration from the scholarship of Irma Taddia and the central place occupied by biographies in her work, this article explores the contribution made by artistic productions such as songs and poems when read in the light of the biographies of the people who produced them as sources for writing political history from below. It looks at the lives of three Sudanese artists, Muhammad Wardi, Mustafa Sid Ahmad and Mahjoub Sharif, two musicians and a writer, whose lives and work (...) made them popular left-wing heroes and symbols of resistance against oppressive governments. Indeed, the existence of leftist heroes such as these explains one of the paradoxes of Sudanese historiography—the resilience of leftist ideals, values, and forms of opposition in Sudan in spite of ruthless repression that leftist parties went through from 1970. (shrink)

. Based on a reconstruction of the development of Rudolf Carnap’s views from the Aufbau until the 1960s, this paper provides an account of the philosopher’s understanding of non-cognitivism, which is here seen as in line with the so-called scientific world-conception of left-wing logical empiricism. The starting point of Carnap’s conception is the claim that every human decision depends on certain attitudes that cannot be justified at a cognitive level, that are neither based on empirical facts nor logical (...) reasoning. The key features of Carnap’s non-cognitivism, however, go beyond this general basis and involve several fundamentally moral commitments, such as a commitment toward science, and the embracing of moral attitudes as the result of a long-term process of rational discourse. I argue that these commitments contained in Carnap’s non-cognitivism/scientific world-conception establish a genuinely political worldview that is characteristic of left-wing logical empiricism and converges with socialism and democracy. (shrink)

Chantal Mouffe, Slavoj Žižek, and Julia Kristeva contribute in a problematic manner to the ontologizing of political antagonisms and hence also to the cementing of unfreedom. While showing how contradictions are not possible to be sublated in societal unities, all three of them disregard the effect on the other end of the question: if antagonisms or revolts are found to be permanent, then problems which antagonisms contain, or which revolts address, become permanent as well. In contrast, Theodor W. Adornos’ understanding (...) of societal antagonisms is that while social contradictions point towards the falsity of the whole and therefore must be acknowledged critically, they should not be considered unhistorical and permanent. This article aims at showing how Mouffe, Žižek and Kristeva end up in essentializing antagonisms and offers Adorno’s notion of antagonism as an alternative. (shrink)

This chapter focuses specifically on left-wingers’ refutation of Considerations after 1818, which gave rise to the republican interpretation of the French Revolution. As opposed to Staël, who broke up the French Revolution into liberal and illiberal phases, republican historians of the French Revolution considered it a whole block. While Jacques Bailleul was a main protagonist, some left-wingers were torn between the Revolution (Terror) and moderation (hereditary peerage). In addition, left-wingers refuted Considerations in epistemological terms. They sided with (...) Montlosier’s civilizational historiography of the French Revolution and elaborated a scientific history on the basis of social and economic factors, leading to a romantic historiography of the French Revolution. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article explores the development in Bolivia under president Evo Morales, through a critical postcolonial approach. From a traditional liberal perspective, this article concludes that the liberal democratic system under Morales has not been deepening, though certain new participatory aspects of democracy, including socio-economic reforms have been carried out. In contrast, this article analyses to what extent the presidency of Evo Morales may be seen as the end of the postcolonialism, and the beginning of a new era in which (...) Bolivia’s indigenous people finally have been incorporated into the forward development of a multi-ethnic society. By analysing issues such as time, nation, land, space, globalization and language, the conclusion is that the new constitution marks a fresh beginning, one beyond the colonial and postcolonial eras, for indigenous groups, but it will not bring back the old indigenous societies as was dominating the territory of today’s modern state. (shrink)

Lacanian Zizek attempts to Hegelian and anti-capitalism, is to establish close contact. Critique of global capitalism in the process, Zizek and other left-wing intellectuals exists between the points of attack. Although the distinction between Lacan Zizek, "it sector" of several concepts, but he Lacan's "real world" equated with capital, this is a misunderstanding. Political interference in how to deal with Lenin and decision theory, the Zizek see an objective principle of universality and the concrete application of the theory (...) that exists between the cracks, but far-fetched to understand the universality of the vacancy for the Lacanian sense of energy refers to. Zizek left Ji theoretical difficulties inherent in the theory that his position must be re-reflect on their own tension. Zizek sets out to bridge the Lacanian Hegelianism and anti-capitalism. Despite their common endeavor to criticize global capitalism, there is a discrepancy between Zizek and other left-wing intellectuals. Although Zizek distinguishes different interpretations of Lacan's concept of le rée / the real, he misreads it by equating it with capital. In matters of dealing with Lenin's theory of political intervention and decisionism, Zizek perceives the chasm between a universal principle and its application in reality. However, the universality of the principle is understood, in a far- fetched fashion, as the empty signifier in Lacan's sense of the word. The dilemma of Zizek's left-wing theory compels him to reflect on the tension of his own position. (shrink)

This study examines the methodological integrity of sociology. Over the past two decades, social science disciplines have contended with two major reform movements: open science and the credibility revolution. Together, these methodological advances promote transparency, reproducibility, and causal rigor. Compared to its peer disciplines, sociology has lagged behind in adopting these emerging scientific standards. The present study examines if the reluctance by sociologists to improve research integrity is related to the discipline’s political homogeneity and its alignment with activist scholarship. Drawing (...) on Duarte et al. (Duarte, J. L., Crawford, J. T., Stern, C., Haidt, J., Jussim, L., & Tetlock, P. E. (2015). Political diversity will improve social psychological science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 38(2015), e130), I propose that political diversity fosters research integrity by reducing confirmation bias, encouraging adversarial scrutiny, and protecting dissent. Sociology’s ideological conformity, especially its embrace of “public sociology” and “social justice” paradigms, discourages the application of these scientific norms. Drawing on cross-disciplinary data, I compare levels of political diversity and methodological integrity in economics, political science, psychology, and sociology. Descriptive results support the expectation that: (a) sociology is politically far more skewed than its peer disciplines, and that (b) sociology lags far behind in terms of transparency, openness, and standards of causal rigor. I conclude by suggesting that the observed patterns reflect a two-stage process. First, when truth-seeking becomes secondary to advocacy, methodological rigor becomes devalued. Second, the resulting loss of scientific credibility makes the field less attractive to scholars who prioritize evidence over ideology, creating a self-reinforcing cycle. Reform, then, must address both sides of this dynamic: fostering viewpoint diversity and reestablishing a robust commitment to scientific excellence. (shrink)

This paper attempts to elucidate Erich Fromm’s theory of authority, its implications for human development and by extension, the psychological dynamics that underlie authoritarianism on the Left today. However, readers unfamiliar with my previous work should note that the argument I present is not intended to suggest that the Left is completely riddled with authoritarianism.

The understanding of logical empiricist philosophy of social science is bedeviled by misrepresentations which continue to dominate how it is characterized by its opponents across the philosophical and political spectrum. This chapter sets out how typical misunderstandings can be avoided and how the critical dimension of the logical empiricist philosophy of social science is readily recovered. Focussing on its main exponent Otto Neurath, the discussion surveys and responds to the main objections which pertain to how science itself is conceived of (...) by him and what it legitimately can pronounce upon. It is shown that Neurath’s conception of physicalism and his encyclopedic version of the unity of science are non-reductive and that his understanding of value-neutrality only bars unconditional value judgments and allows research in the service of a transformative agenda. (shrink)

Expressions of a current “Marx renaissance”, the three books under review in this article raise crucial questions about memory, knowledge, and power for a new global Left. Traverso’s reflections on Left future-oriented memory, Favilli’s history of Italian Marxism, and Bourrinet’s work on the Dutch and German communist Left explore a variety of “forms of Marxism”. Most centrally, the three works raise still vital questions around Marxism and religion, science and utopia, knowledge and power, nation and globality.

Based on a historical-conceptual overview of accelerationism, especially in its leftist strands, this paper proposes a reading that relates it to the late thought of Félix Guattari, whose focus falls on three interdependent dimensions: ecology, subjectivity, and socio-productive relations. It is argued that technology, far from being a neutral instrument, constitutes a fundamental vector in the processes of subjectivation, capable of operating both as a device of control and alienation and as a tool for existential reappropriation and self-valorization, as Guattari (...) suggests. By recovering schizoanalysis and the notion of collective assemblages of enunciation, it is argued that it is possible to think of technology as an ally to emancipatory modes of subjectivation, and not solely as an oppressive one. (shrink)

The political distinction between left and right remains ideologically muddled. This was not always so, but an immediate return to the pristine usage is impractical. Putting a theory of social liberty to one side, this essay defends the interpretation of left-wing as personal-choice and right-wing as property-choice. This allows an axis that is north/choice (or state-free) and south/control (or state-ruled). This Political Compass clarifies matters without being tendentious or too complicated. It shows that what is called (...) ‘libertarianism’ is north-wing. A quiz gives the reader’s Political Compass reading. (shrink)

Modern thought typically opposes the authority of tradition in the name of universal reason. Postmodernism begins with the insight that the sociohistorical context of tradition and its authority is inevitable, even in modernity. Modernity can no longer take itself for granted when it recognizes itself as a tradition that is opposed to traditions. The left-wing postmodernist response to this insight is to conclude that because tradition is inevitable, irrationality is inevitable. The right-wing postmodernist response is to see (...) traditions as the home of diverse forms of rationality. This requires an understanding of the Socratic, self-critical aspect of intellectual traditions, which include both modern sciences and the great world religions. (shrink)

Scholars of Wilfrid Sellars’s thought split into Right- and Left-wing Sellarsians. Right-wing Sellarsians urge Sellars’s scientific realism and the prominence of the scientific image of man in the synoptic vision. Left-wing Sellarsians emphasize the prominence of the logical space of reasons over that of causes, rejecting Sellars’s scientism. In his recent book James O’Shea attempts to reconcile these Sellarsian images, arguing that one best understands the Sellarsian synoptic image in terms of a norm/nature meta-principle that (...) endorses the conceptual irreducibility and causal reducibility of norms. In this paper, I argue that O’Shea’s norm/nature meta-principle renders Sellars’s synoptic vision a Left-wing one. In its stead, I present a Sellarsian ideal: the view that Sellars ought to have held, whether he did so or not. My synoptic Sellarsian vision is based in part on the claim that Sellars found norms in nature and on a scientifically based philosophical account of norms in nature, whether these norms be biological, psychological, social, cultural or personal. I maintain then that Sellars was a Right-wing Sellarsian and that, if he wasn’t, he should have been. Indeed, a Sellars redivivus would be the leader of his party! (shrink)

An unquestioned assumption of contemporary politics is that the left owns minority groups, in the sense that the left, exclusively, champions the interests of minorities and is for that reason owed the allegiance of minorities. This, in turn, gives rise to the sense of dissonance created by right-wing dissenters—the black social conservative, the gay ultra-nationalist, the female libertarian, the poor pro-capitalist. This same dissonance exists for women and feminism, creating a default assumption that a feminist is a (...) left-wing woman. We don’t make a distinction between left-wing feminists and feminists; we don’t need to. -/- There’s nothing a philosopher loves more than an unquestioned assumption, and in this book political philosopher Holly Lawford-Smith systematically dismantles the assumption that feminism is an exclusively left-wing project. Once dismantled, the path is clear to a new set of questions. Who counts as a feminist in the first place? If women from anywhere on the political spectrum can be feminists, who is it that feminists should—or shouldn't—be working with? And what can be said, more generally, about the ethics of alliances and coalitions? -/- In Feminism Beyond Left and Right Lawford-Smith makes the case for non-partisan feminism, feminism outside the constraints of the left-right political spectrum, a feminism for and about all women as women. (shrink)

Using an intersectionalist analysis, Hinther recounts efforts by Canada’s Ukrainian minority to build an ethnically distinct leftist movement. Opposed from without by both left-wing internationalists and right-wing nationalists, and hobbled from within by stubborn gender and generational inequalities, the movement finally lost its radical political momentum and so took up its allotted place in Canada’s polite multicultural mosaic. (Published in the series “Studies in Gender and History,” University of Toronto Press, 2018.).