In this essay, we bridge the gap between two understandings of the power of the European Union (EU): as a normative actor, guided by ethical principles and empowered by the internal market, and as a geopolitical actor, building its own military capabilities and ready to defend its interests through deterrence and defense. In view of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we challenge the established “values vs. interests” dichotomy and argue that defending liberal democratic values is an essential foundation of the (...) EU's existing and potential geopolitical power. We show how, over the last decade, opting for short-term expediency and capitulating to a kind of realpolitik “regime indifference” in dealings with authoritarian regimes at home and abroad have severely weakened the EU and also diminished Ukraine's capacities to defend itself as it fights for these shared values on the battlefield. We argue that it is in the EU's strategic interest to strengthen its commitment to values-based foreign and defense policies, revive a meritocratic and credible enlargement process, and work with the United States to provide more effective military assistance to Ukraine in its fight for liberal democratic values and a rules-based European security order. (shrink)

Die Werte und Einstellungen gegenüber Europa, insbesondere der Europäischen Union (EU), haben sich in der Ukraine seit der Unabhängigkeit des Landes von der Sowjetunion grundlegend gewandelt. Parallel zur Entwicklung und Kultivierung einer ukrainischen nationalen Identität, die sich seit 1991 intensivierte, wurden das Gefühl der Zugehörigkeit zur europäischen Gemeinschaft einerseits und die Einstellung zur EU andererseits seither durch historische Traditionen, neue politische Entwicklungen und durch soziokulturelle Faktoren beeinflusst. Ereignisse wie die ‚Orangene Revolution‘ von 2004, die ‚Revolution der Würde‘ (Euromaidan) von (...) 2014, die Annexion der Krim durch die Russische Föderation und der militärische Einmarsch Russlands in die Ukraine im Jahr 2022 haben die öffentliche Wahrnehmung der EU und die geopolitischen Orientierungen und Entscheidungen der Ukraine entscheidend geprägt. (shrink)

Sehr häufig wird die Perspektive eines EU-Beitritts der Ukraine aus der aktuellen, kriegsbedingten Situation gesehen und die deutsche Außenpolitik auf diese Singularität hin verengt. Dieser Artikel möchte den Blick auf die EU-Mitgliedschaft der Ukraine weiten, indem er nicht nationale Zahlen und Umfragen thematisiert, sondern drei andere Untersuchungsgegenstände bzw. Ebenen der Diskussion in den Fokus rückt. Der erste ist die Unterstützung für einen EU-Beitritt in den anderen Großstädten der Ukraine jenseits der Hauptstadt. Der zweite ist die Perspektive auf (...) die beiden anderen Länder, die in Folge des Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine im Frühjahr 2022 ein EU-Beitrittsgesuch eingereicht haben – Georgien und die Republik Moldau. Der dritte Untersuchungsgegenstand ist die deutsche außenpolitische Perspektive auf die ersten beiden Ebenen. (shrink)

The author analyses integration opportunities of the present-day Ukraine into the EU. Proclaiming its independence ten years ago Ukraine has determined its way of development towards building a democratic society, step by step directing its movement towards the European choice. Today Ukraine's integration into the EU is declared as the state's strategic goal. However there exist a certain number of economical, social, political and other factors, which considerably hamper the integration movement. The author expresses his point of (...) view on how to transform Ukraine's European choice into reality. Key words: integration opportunities, strategic partnership, European choice. (shrink)

Sichtbarkeit als sicherheitspolitischer Akteur erlangte die EU nach der Gründung der GSVP vor 25 Jahren vor allem durch ihre internationalen zivilen und militärischen Missionen für die Konfliktprävention, Krisenbewältigung und Friedensbildung. In den letzten Jahren beschleunigte sich die Ausdehnung ihrer Institutionen, Verfahren und Instrumente auch über den Bereich der Krisenbewältigung hinaus. Dies ging einher mit einer wachsenden Versicherheitlichung des politischen Diskurses. Den sich vervielfältigenden Bedrohungen, an deren Spitze der russische Angriff auf die Ukraine steht, könne die Union nur mit einem (...) massiven Aufbau der militärischen Verteidigungsfähigkeit und Abschreckung begegnen. Die zivile GSVP-Mission der EU für die Reform des ukrainischen Sicherheitssektors (EUAM Ukraine) und die von der Europäischen Kommission initiierte Grenzschutzmission in der Ukraine und der Republik Moldau (EUBAM Moldau und Ukraine) wurden seither in ihrer Ausrichtung und Ausstattung substantiell erweitert. Die militärische Mission für die Ausbildung der ukrainischen Streitkräfte (EUMAM Ukraine), die ebenso Lieferungen militärischer Ausrüstung umfasst, wird von unterschiedlichen Akteuren als ‚Musterbeispiel‘ betrachtet. (shrink)

The work examines the issue of the philosophy of education, in particular, in the system of continuous formation of plastic structures in the mode of uncertainty. The essence of the concept of “philosophy of education”, its interpretation, variants of explanation are determined. The signs and features of the philosophy of education are characterized. Also considered is the historical process of the development of the philosophy of education, the orientation of the philosophy of education towards a certain goal in a certain (...) historical period, the state of the philosophy of education at the current stage, the main goals and tasks of the philosophy of education.During the study, attention is also paid to the concepts of education that exist today. The features of each theory, its manifestations, significance for education in general are determined. At the same time, various approaches to the construction of education and the possibility of their application are considered.In the work, attention is paid to the state of the education philosophy of the EU states at the current stage. Features of the educational process of the European Union, principles, principles are defined. Such categories of EU education philosophy as the freedom of choice of the pupil and student, the right of educational institutions to independently determine the structure and content of educational programs, the validity of knowledge, democracy in the relationship between the teacher and students, education throughout life are studied.At the same time, the educational process of Ukraine is analyzed. The features of the philosophy of the Ukrainian educational system, the practical implementation of certain principles, principles and ideas are highlighted. At the same time, the shortcomings of the educational philosophy of Ukraine are identified, which negatively affect the formation of a coherent and harmonious educational system of our country.The article focuses on the prospects for the development of the philosophy of education in Ukraine. The question of heterarchy, flexible education, own education is considered. Each identified path is characterized and its strengths and weaknesses are identified. At the same time, forecasts are made regarding the further development of education in Ukraine. (shrink)

The philosophical foundations of political conflicts are deeply rooted in diverging perspectives on justice, governance, and moral rationality. The ongoing geopolitical struggles between the U.S., Russia, and the EU, particularly regarding Ukraine, can be examined through the contrasting frameworks of John Rawls and Alasdair MacIntyre. Rawls represents a liberal democratic vision, emphasizing justice as fairness and universal principles, while MacIntyre critiques liberal individualism, advocating for a communitarian perspective that sees justice as rooted in historical and cultural traditions. These philosophical (...) differences mirror the fundamental ideological divides fueling contemporary global conflicts. (shrink)

Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine hat das geopolitische Umfeld der Nachbarstaaten der Europäischen Union (EU) in Osteuropa, dem Südkaukasus und in Zentralasien grundlegend verändert. Der Krieg und das russische Verhalten gegenüber den Staaten der östlichen EU-Nachbarschaft haben die Orientierung vieler dieser Länder nach Westen gestärkt und ihre Annäherung an die EU beschleunigt. Kriegsbedingt erfolgte eine schnelle Eröffnung der Beitrittsverhandlungen mit der Republik Moldau und der Ukraine sowie der Verleihung des Kandidatenstatus an Georgien. Damit verbleiben in der Östlichen (...) Partnerschaft (ÖP) nur noch Armenien und Aserbaidschan sowie die belarussische Zivilgesellschaft. In der Folge hat die deutsche Bundesregierung die Frage nach einer Reform der ÖP gestellt, die in Brüssel auf wenig Gegenliebe stößt. Klar ist, dass die EU besser als in der Vergangenheit, den spezifischen Bedürfnissen der Partnerstaaten in dieser vielfältigen Region gerecht werden muss. Wie eine solche neue Politik für die östliche Nachbarschaft aussehen könnte, diskutiert der Beitrag. Dazu werden zuerst aus den neuen geopolitischen Spannungen erwachsende Herausforderungen der EU-Politik in den Bereichen Konflikte in den Regionen, sicherheitspolitische Erwartungen an die EU, geoökonomische Chancen und Diversität der Region herausgearbeitet und jeweils Lösungsansätze diskutiert. Im Anschluss werden vier Modelle für eine zukünftige ÖP skizziert. Der Beitrag schließt mit Empfehlungen für erste konkrete Schritte hin zu einer Reform der östlichen Dimension der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik im neuen institutionellen Zyklus der EU. (shrink)

This article applies the concept of the boundary of order to examine the multi-faceted and complex relations between the EU and Ukraine. The focus is on geopolitical, institutional/legal and cultural boundaries in order to conceptualize the EU’s reluctant engagement with Ukraine. Yet, notwithstanding the EU’s refusal to offer Ukraine membership, it softened the legal boundary to placate Ukraine’s demand for inclusion. Furthermore, the cultural boundary has become blurred through references to Europe as a discursive benchmark of (...) ‘normality’ in Ukraine, and Ukraine’s Europeanness as evidenced in its support for so-called European values. Overall, it is argued that different boundaries are subject to conflicting dynamics and that Russia has, inadvertently, contributed to a diminution of the boundaries between the EU and Ukraine. (shrink)

The article proposes scientifically substantiated mechanisms of complex solution of problems of public administration in the field of road infrastructure in Ukraine, which must be solved considering the international, first of all European experience of effective public management in this field, which is the subject of research. It was found that public administration (management) in the field of road infrastructure includes the following components: the state of legal support for the functioning of road infrastructure in Ukraine and determining (...) the prospects for its improvement; legal grounds, procedure and conditions for financing road infrastructure in Ukraine and abroad; efficiency of the system of public administration bodies in the field of road infrastructure and identification of ways to improve it. It is proposed to adopt the Law «On Road Infrastructure» which defines the legal, economic, organizational and social principles of ensuring the functioning of road infrastructure, areas of its development, reconstruction, repair and maintenance with a clear jurisdiction of specific public authorities responsible for its maintenance and financing. Measures to improve public administration in the field of road infrastructure in Ukraine are proposed, considering the experience of the EU. (shrink)

Unabhängig vom Siegesplan des ukrainischen Präsidenten 2024 gibt es seit 2022 verschiedene politikwissenschaftliche wie ökonomische Szenarien für eine Integration der Ukraine in die EU und eine positive wirtschaftliche Entwicklung durch den Wiederaufbau und die Nutzung des ukrainischen endogenen Potentials in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Der Artikel schaut auf die Relevanz einer strategischen Partnerschaft Deutschlands mit der Ukraine vor dem Hintergrund der Zeitenwende. Er reflektiert die fortschrittlichen Reformbestrebungen der Ukraine in den letzten Jahren und skizziert mögliche Entwicklungspfade unter deutscher (...) Beteiligung und aus deutscher Perspektive – der Perspektive der Zeitenwende. (shrink)

B a c k g r o u n d. In the context of the global environmental crisis, accompanied by growing awareness of resource limitations and the impact of human activity, environmental business is becoming increasingly relevant. In Ukraine, its importance has intensified due to the full-scale war, which has led to massive environmental damage and infrastructure destruction. The aim of this study is to identify the socio-philosophical foundations of the development of environmental business in Ukraine, to analyze (...) its current challenges, and to outline prospects for recovery in the post-war period. M e t h o d s. The research applies an interdisciplinary approach at the intersection of social philosophy, economics, and ecology. It uses systemic, comparative-analytical, sociocultural, and prognostic methods, as well as content analysis of scientific literature, reports of international organizations, and strategic documents. This methodology enables the integration of philosophical reflection with empirical data concerning the current state of environmental business in Ukraine. R e s u l t s. The study analyzes the prerequisites for the development of environmental business globally and in Ukraine, particularly its functioning before and during the war. Key challenges are identified, including destroyed infrastructure, environmental pollution, low investment attractiveness, and lack of institutional support. The need for a roadmap for ecological recovery and the synergy between social entrepreneurship and environmental business is substantiated. Environmental business is shown to have the potential to become a driver of sustainable development, job creation, and the formation of environmental awareness. Strategic directions for government support are proposed, including economic incentives, legal frameworks, and international assistance. C o n c l u s i o n s. In post-war Ukraine, environmental business holds the potential to become a foundation for sustainable economic recovery and social cohesion. Its development depends on the active involvement of the state, private sector, and civil society. The formation of a green economy and integration into EU environmental standards open opportunities for international partnerships, investment, and innovation. Environmental business, as a socially responsible form of entrepreneurship, emerges as a new ideologeme of social progress in the face of global challenges. (shrink)

Ukraine is the largest country that is included in European Neighborhood Policy. That is why the European Union should spotlight relations with this eastern partner, especially by foreign policy instruments like association agreement. The focus here is on the EU’s involvement in the Ukrainian crisis in period from Maidan revolution at the end of 2013, which was occasioned by the rejection of the association agreement with the EU by President Viktor Yanukovych, and to the presidential election in 2014. The (...) main issue is to evaluate the EU’s scope to stabilize the political environment in the nearby neighborhood and eliminate threats, which are the results of war between Ukraine and Russia. (shrink)

Polish-German relations in the first half of 2014 were dominated by the Ukraine crisis. This study is an attempt to answer the question of how Polish and German press assessed the cooperation of both countries in resolving the conflict in Ukraine; to what extent the most widely read magazines associated themselves with the decisions of their politicians and the feelings of their own societies and how much understanding they showed for the arguments of their EU partner. The analysis (...) focuses on the unprecedented mission of the Weimar Triangle foreign ministers to Ukraine in February 2014, which led to an agreement between the Ukrainian opposition and President Viktor Yanukovych. A turning point was the visit paid by Radoslaw Sikorski and Frank-Walter Steinmeier to St. Petersburg in June 2014. The next meetings agreed on by EU partners were held without inviting the Polish partner. In view of the speed of events in the selected time interval, the articles subjected to analysis were taken from the most widely read online editions of national daily newspapers in Poland and Germany. (shrink)

The Chernobyl Exclusion Zone has evolved from the site of the world's worst nuclear disaster into one of Europe's most significant wildlife refuges. However, Russia's war against Ukraine has introduced new environmental threats, including military disturbance, radioactive forest fires, habitat destruction, landmine contamination, and pollution. These challenges endanger not only the wildlife of Chernobyl but also the ecological security of Europe as a whole. This paper examines the environmental consequences of the conflict on the Chernobyl ecosystem and evaluates the (...) role that the European Union can play in mitigating these impacts. It argues that the EU should adopt a comprehensive strategy combining emergency wildlife protection, environmental monitoring, wildfire prevention, demining operations, ecosystem restoration, scientific cooperation, and environmental accountability mechanisms. The paper further warns that failure to act promptly may result in long-term biodiversity loss, the spread of radioactive contamination, and irreversible ecological damage. Protecting the wildlife of Chernobyl is therefore not only a conservation imperative but also a matter of European environmental security and intergenerational responsibility. (shrink)

Russia’s war against Ukraine has grave consequences in several political categories. These include: a reassessment of the school of ‘political realism’, one of whose proponents claims to have predicted the war. Was the West partly ‘responsible’ for the war? Second, to what extent does the war of aggression, as an undeniable violation of law, damage the status of international law and justice? Third, the war is embedded in political developments that stretch back a century. It is examined in its (...) context within American foreign policy since the Wilsonian peace programme, in relation to the dangerous reluctance of the EU to pursue a decisive geopolitical policy towards Russia, and interpreted in the light of Stalinist echoes within Russian politics. (shrink)

«Youth policy» as an independent term is defined in the scientific literature in the 1960s., which in many ways «was associated with the formation of youth as an independent social force and its self-determination in the socio-political space». By the 1970s XX century youth policy in the vast majority of developed countries is transforming an independent direction of national policy. Youth is a complex, multidimensional and rather controversial social phenomenon. Modern youth acts as the most active and mobile social group, (...) which requires special attention from state institutions in need of socialization and adaptation. At the same time, it is youth that is increasingly viewed today as the most important and promising part of society. It is no accident that already in the mid-60s of the XX century, in the practical activities of a number of international institutions, in particular the UN, a specialized area of cooperation began to develop, in the field of education and social support for the young generation. It should be noted that in the world there are more than 1 billion 800 million young people under the age of 25, which emphasizes the importance of effective youth policy by members of the international community. In the post-bipolar period, youth policy has become one of the priority areas of state policy of most developed countries. A striking example in this regard is the activities of the countries of the European Union (EU) and its structures. Europe is making significant efforts to create a single space in which not only common political institutions, but common values for all Europeans should be formed. And in this process, it is youth that acts as the key object on which measures are aimed at the formation of a pan-European identity. In recent years, the European Union has significantly stepped up youth policy. Its mechanisms were developed (open coordination method), special institutions were formed. It seems extremely relevant to analyze the EU’s activities in this direction, to consider concrete steps taken at the European level to consolidate measures in the field of youth policy. Despite the fact that integration processes in Europe continue, nevertheless, a number of problems have already been accumulated there today, the success of the entire European project will depend on the solution of these problems. In many ways, these problems are connected precisely with the young generation of Europeans, to whom the EU leadership has special hopes. As noted in a recent communiqué of the European Commission, “social and human capital of youth is one of the greatest European assets of the future». Among the studies affecting various aspects of working with young people, one can single out works of S.V. Aleshchenko, V.P. Baskov, Yu.R. Vyshnevskyi, Yu.V. Volkov, T.I. Zaslavskaia, I.M. Ylynskyi, E.Sh. Kamaldynova, A.I., Kovalova, O.A. Koriakovtseva, V.T. Lysovskyi, V.A. Lukov, O.A. Rozhnov, B.A. Ruchkin, S.K. Savin, V.I. Chuprov and several other authors. However, the young generation of Europeans faces serious challenges. The growth of unemployment, absenteeism, deprivation, the growth of radicalism, cultural indifference (including religious) – main youth problems that today require urgent solutions. Moreover, in different EU countries, these problems have varying degrees of severity. Continued heterogeneity continues to be a serious obstacle to pan-European unity. It is likely that youth policy may be another very painful issue for the future of the EU. Thus, it seems necessary to analyze the national and supranational levels of youth policy in the European Union in order to identify their degree of coherence, common goal-setting and specific implementation methods. (shrink)

In the context of Ukraine’s membership in the WTO, the functioning of a free trade area with the EU, the opportunity for agricultural producers to obtain a larger share of the value added is primarily linked to the intensification of trade in domestic livestock products and their processing products. However, their production is one of the high-risk areas and requires a set of measures aimed at ensuring proper quality. Without effective solution of the problem of quality of livestock products (...) it is impossible to ensure its competitiveness in the world market, to guarantee the rational nutrition of the population of the country, the availability of the necessary components for the vital activity of the human body. The aim of the research is to determine the socio-economic factors for ensuring the quality of livestock products in Ukraine. The scientific and specific research methods were used to solve the tasks set in the work: the historical method; abstraction method; method of comparative analysis; system-structural method. The main producer of livestock products in Ukraine are households. They do not have the capabilities to implement technologies of keeping, feeding, veterinary services, programs prerequisites for guaranteeing the safety of products, adherence to the HACCP principles. In Ukraine, real technical, economic and organizational-economic prerequisites for ensuring the safety and quality of livestock products are created only in the poultry meat sector. During 2015-2017, the trends in production of almost all types of livestock products except poultry and honey were identified. One of the reasons for this situation was, firstly, decreasing in capital investment in the livestock sector, and secondly, the low profitability of production of livestock products in the context of accelerated growth in prices for resources. It is proved that insignificant market (price) incentives should be supplemented with instruments of state assistance to improve the quality parameters of products on the basis of specialized enterprises. The necessity of state support for the production of livestock products based on small and medium-sized enterprises is substantiated. This will effectively combine the processes of increasing the production of livestock products with the environmental friendliness of production and steady improvement of quality. It is shown that the low quality of certain livestock products in Ukraine is caused by insufficient living standards of the population and low incomes of the majority of households, which cause them to consume low quality products. It is determined that the problem of guaranteeing the quality of livestock products in Ukraine has deep roots cause due to the influence of socio-economic factors. Therefore, a comprehensive approach is needed to solve it, which is not limited to improving the efficiency of the state control system and successfully harmonizing of the Ukrainian technical regulation system with the European one. The problem of low quality and the danger of livestock production requires a systematic approach for its solution, which is not limited, in particular, by measures to improve the system of state control and ensure approximation of the domestic technical regulation system to the European one. In Ukraine, major high-quality animal products are economically inaccessible to a large part of households. The projected increase in safety parameters and a certain improvement in the quality of livestock products as a result of the implementation of regulations adopted in 2014-2017, will necessarily lead to an increase in its value, and therefore may lead to a decrease in market demand and even greater inaccessibility of these products to people. All this can only aggravate the situation with guaranteeing the food security of the country, forming the prerequisites for increasing the intellectual capacity of the nation. (shrink)

The research relevance is determined by the need for environmental integration into national policies for the reconstruction of Ukraine in the context of a full-scale war and European integration within the framework of the European Green Deal. The study aimed to analyse the institutional and financial mechanisms for implementing the principles of the European Green Deal in the processes of early recovery and post-war transformation of Ukraine. The research methodology was based on an interdisciplinary approach that combined quantitative (...) analysis of environmental finance, case studies of post-crisis countries, and a comparative assessment of institutional compatibility. As a result, the institutional architecture of the European Green Deal was systematised, emphasising key executive and financial actors, and the mechanisms of their interaction with the Ukrainian authorities were identified. The study analysed the chronology of political decisions in 2020-2023 on decarbonisation, energy efficiency and the development of renewable energy sources. In particular, by 2023, Ukraine increased the share of renewable energy to 22% in its generation structure, and reduced CO2 emissions per capita from 4.6 tonnes (2020) to 3.6 tonnes (2023), but maintained uneven integration of environmental criteria into recovery plans. A comparative analysis of the experience of Croatia (renewable energy sources 70%, share of green projects in national programmes over 35%) and Georgia (renewable energy sources 80.3%) identified effective models of institutional coordination, including the creation of a single body for environmental management. Key barriers have been identified: dispersed responsibilities, poor coordination between ministries, an unstable regulatory framework, and limited access to climate finance. The study emphasised that effective green recovery in Ukraine requires improved mechanisms of financial involvement and adaptation of the regulatory framework to EU standards. The practical significance of the study was to formulate recommendations for the modernisation of institutions. The findings can be used in the development of a national green recovery strategy and the process of approval by international donors, considering the criteria of long-term environmental sustainability. (shrink)

The purpose of the study was to comprehensively examine the impact of technological sovereignty on economic and national security. The paper considered key aspects of technological sovereignty. The results of the study showed that technological sovereignty has a substantial and multifaceted impact on national security, including economic, energy stability, and military security of the country. This ensures the sustainability of national economies and reduces dependence on global markets and critical technologies, which is especially important in the context of growing competition (...) with major technology players. Ensuring economic independence also allows the country to control strategically important resources, contributing to more sustainable development in the face of international turbulence. The impact on energy security is manifested through the introduction of innovations in the field of renewable energy sources, the development of own energy efficiency technologies, and the creation of national networks for energy management, which helps to reduce dependence on imported energy resources and increases resistance to external influences, such as energy crises and economic sanctions. Military security, as an important component of national security, is also substantially strengthened through technological sovereignty. In particular, the development of its own cyber technologies, defence systems, artificial intelligence systems, and data analysis technologies minimises the risks of external interference in defence processes and ensures the country’s independence in the field of national defence. Technological sovereignty allows for a more effective protection of critical infrastructure from cyber attacks and a reduction of dependence on foreign developments. The experience of Ukraine and the EU showed different approaches to achieving technological independence, including support for national research, development of their own semiconductors and digital technologies, cybersecurity programs and initiatives to reduce technological dependence. These factors highlighted the need to integrate public strategies to build technological sovereignty as a key component of national and economic security. (shrink)

Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine has caused large-scale destruction of productive capital and infrastructure, and has resulted in human casualties and social losses. The war has resulted in job and income losses, reduced purchasing power and economic crime. Preserving the territorial integrity of Ukraine is the most important task of the Ukrainian people. The challenges that came with the war are a serious problem for the stability and security of society, a threat to the sustainability of legal institutions, (...) democratic values and the rule of law. Corruption, organized and economic crime are the most complex issues in Ukraine that affect the stability of the state and pose threats to national security. The fight against crime is aimed at applying comprehensive measures to prevent, stop and expose criminal organizations. Under martial law, the issue of preventing all types of crime is one of the most important. Organized crime poses a threat to the security of the state and is used to destabilize the situation in Ukraine. A large number of goods are smuggled, which negatively affects the economic security of the state. In order to avoid such illegal supplies of goods in retail and wholesale trade, it is necessary to create all the necessary conditions, measures, responsibility, control and increased liability for economic crimes at the legislative level to ensure economic stability and prevent criminal activity. The threatening scale and dangerous manifestations of economic crime are taking on various schemes and organized forms, the fight against which is an important task for our country to create an economically developed country in the post-war period and for successful integration into the European Union. Ukraine has already done some of the work to implement the European Commission’s recommendations for granting Ukraine the status of an EU candidate country. One of the areas of implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement by sector is financial cooperation and the fight against fraud. It is in this area that the implementation progress is the worst. (shrink)

Der vorliegende Artikel untersucht die Veränderungen und Konstanten deutscher Außenpolitik im Zuge des Krieges in der Ukraine. Es wird zwischen Rhetorik und Aktion unterschieden. Der Artikel fokussiert die Felder NATO-Engagement, EU-Politik und Ressourcenfragen. Ein Spannungsbogen zwischen wertebasierter unter interessensgeleitete Politik wird sichtbar.

It is shown that after February 24, 2022, the life of every Ukrainian changed radically, due to which peaceful Ukrainians were forced to seek refuge in neighboring states. In particular, Poland, Germany, Denmark, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Sweden. In connection with the extraordinary events, unprecedented conditions were created for the citizens of Ukraine. Currently, Ukrainians can receive refugee status or additional protection. In connection with the full-scale invasion, the EU Council, meeting in Brussels on March 4, 2022, voted to apply (...) Directive No. 2001/55/EC of July 20, 2001 on minimum standards for the provision of temporary protection in the event of a mass influx of displaced persons and on measures that contribute to the balance of efforts between member states regarding the reception of such persons and the bearing of their consequences. The directive bypasses the traditionally overburdened procedure for granting asylum (obtaining refugee status/subsidiary protection) and offers a quick and simplified way to access protection in EU countries. In EU countries, refugee status is an individual right that is granted after a special administrative and legal process that determines whether a person has a reasonable risk of being persecuted. Persons who can receive refugee status can be citizens of Ukraine who left the territory of Ukraine due to the war, as well as persons who lived in the territory of Ukraine on legal grounds, but have the citizenship of other countries. In accordance with the Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951 and the Protocol on the Status of Refugees of 1967 and the Law of Ukraine “On Refugees and Persons in Need of Additional or Temporary Protection”. In Ukraine, it is also possible to obtain the status of temporary protection for foreigners and stateless persons. It is proposed to develop a system of marketing measures to attract labor for the purpose of rebuilding Ukraine, since today in Ukraine quite little is paid to refugees and persons who have received temporary protection. Such provision of refugees and persons wishing to receive temporary protection will not motivate foreigners to go to Ukraine. (shrink)

ExcerptThe high-water mark of globalization has passed. New competitions continue to emerge in a decidedly multipolar international system. As the United States views China and Russia as strategic competitors or worse, an array of mid-level powers—Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, India, the BRICS, and so forth—try to navigate this complex system and pursue their national interests. Meanwhile, no matter how much the United States and the European Union both believe themselves part of a single “West,” divergent interests tend to (...) drive them apart, even as tensions within the EU itself have grown sharper. In order to describe part of this increasingly competitive environment, an analytic distinction between so-called “civilizational states” and “liberal empires” seems to provide a framework to analyze international political processes in starkly contrasting terms.1 To some extent, the two terms repackage the terminology of the Cold War era that contrasted closed and open societies, and if we are indeed entering a new Cold War, the return of these categories is arguably appropriate. Yet more is surely at stake than a repetition of the historical competition between Communism and democracy, and the focus on the contrast between allegedly civilizational states and liberal empires may be missing a key part of the picture. Let’s take a closer look at the two concepts and then ask whether this binary provides an adequate toolkit to understand, for example, the conflict in Ukraine. To anticipate the conclusion: those who celebrate Russia as a “civilizational state” doing battle with the evil “liberal empire” of the West miss the key point in the conflict, the will of the Ukrainian people to assert their autonomy as a nation and to resist foreign occupation. (shrink)

The article explores the problems of the legal status of the regulatory authorities in the energy sector of Ukraine in the context of the administrative reform currently taking place in the Ukraine and the fulfillment of the EU requirements in this sphere. Based on the analysis of the EU legislation, in particular Directive 2009/72/EC of the European Parliament and the Council of 13 July 2009 concerning common rules for the internal market in electricity and repealing Directive 2003/54/EC and (...) Directive 2009/73/EC of the European Parliament and the Council of 13 July 2009 concerning common rules for the internal market in natural gas and repealing Directive 2003/55/EC, and the experience of Ukraine in the field of energy regulation, the author of this article supports granting the special legal status to the national regulatory authorities in the energy sector of Ukraine and their separation from the system of state executive bodies, however, recommends to stipulate in the Constitution of Ukraine the provisions, regarding the organizational legal form and the establishment procedure of such bodies, the appointment and dismissal procedure for their management and members, the peculiarities of the relations of these bodies with the President of Ukraine, the Parliament of Ukraine and the Government of Ukraine. (shrink)

Traditionally, Central Asia has not been a priority for the EU’s foreign policy, notwithstanding the strong economic ties. However, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine can provide new momentum. Europe’s decoupling from Russian energy in particular, as well as its accelerated path toward decarbonization, bears the potential to significantly elevate its relations with Central Asia and the role the region plays in its foreign (energy) policy. In the short term, Central Asia might serve as one alternative source of natural gas. In (...) the longer term, the production and transport of renewable energy and hydrogen are especially promising, and with this, the development of the Middle Corridor. Attempting to form a counterexample to Russia and China by focusing on sustainable and comprehensive connectivity, the EU has yet to provide either a clear geostrategic upgrade to the region in the context of changing continental conditions or a substantial and long-term increase in financial resources. (shrink)

The article examines the key conclusions and recommendations to candidate countries and potential candidates for accession, set out by the European Commission in the annual Communication on the EU enlargement policy in 2022. For better understanding of the essence of the Commission’s Communication, this article the author analyses the realities faced by the EU with the beginning of the Russian Federation’s full-scale war against Ukraine. According to scholars and experts, the war changed Europe more profoundly than any event since (...) the end of the Cold War. It is found that the war clearly emphasized the attractiveness of EU membership and strengthened its transformative power, which was formed thanks to the values, diversity of the societies of the Member States, fundamental freedoms and way of life of the Union. In this context, one can agree with the statement of scholars that the real challenges that the EU cannot avoid if it wants to become more authoritative and strategically autonomous are the strengthening, not the weakening of the European level (institutional and legal systems, common EU policies) under a strict democratic control. The analysis of the conclusions and recommendations in the Commission’s Communication allowed us to conclude that after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the policy of EU enlargement was returned to the forefront of the EU’s agenda. Evidence of this was, firstly, granting the status of a candidate for accession to Ukraine and Moldova and a potential candidate – to Georgia, and, secondly, a joint search by the EU and its Member States for ways to activate and speed up the process of European integration of the countries of the Western Balkans region. In addition, it should be noted that the cross-cutting themes of the Commission’s conclusions and recommendations are EU security and energy policy, key areas of the Green Course, in particular decarbonization of the economy, as well as the issue of recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic. A separate emphasis in the Commission’s Communication is placed on the reforms continued by the countries of the Western Balkans, which are necessary to fulfill the accession criteria. (shrink)

The European Union (EU) has been challenged by several crises lately. In addition to Brexit, the Euro crisis, and the migration crisis; global issues such as the coronavirus pandemic and the Russian attack on Ukraine affected the EU. The migration crisis, on the one hand, differs from the above-mentioned crises with one remarkable feature. The member states have no real consensus about forming a common migration policy. Besides, for geographic reasons, some member states put much more burden on immigrants. (...) Agreeing on immigration becomes impossible for the border countries on the migration route and also transit countries. The paper argues that, unlike the other crises of the EU, the migration crisis reinforces EU integration in such a way that disputes between member states prevent the EU from making institutional changes about the issue. The study results assume that the other above-mentioned crises, on the other hand, stimulated institutional change throughout the EU. In light of this information, this study evaluates, using a method of relevant literature review and comparing the arguments of the researchers, how the migration issue became a subject of dispute between member states by evaluating the 2015 crisis. (shrink)

The European elections on June 9th, 2024, coincided with another early parliamentary election in Bulgaria. As in the previous election campaigns, domestic political problems and sharp party opposition overshadowed the EU- related issues. Although proper political debates on these issues were absent, strong populist anti-EU narratives were used by various parties and politicians, including established ones. The research shows anti-EU narratives in all three categories of populist messages: anti-elitism, people-centrism, and exclusion. Four parties (“Revival”, “Greatness”, BSP and ITN) form a (...) “discursive coalition” claiming to understand and express the concerns and desires of “the people”. They present the EU as a foreign elitist power, claim that the sovereignty should be restored to the Bulgarian people, and exclude the liberal values and liberal elites (parties, media) from “the people”. A particular anti-EU narrative is formed about the war in Ukraine. These narratives are characterised by a high propensity to use proven disinformation. (shrink)

Vorliegendes Kapitel geht den Fragen nach, welche sozioökonomischen Entwicklungsaussichten die Ukraine hat, und welche Chancen und Risiken das Land für ausländische Direktinvestitionen eröffnet. Große westliche Unterstützungsleistungen für die Ukraine in Form einer möglichen EU-Mitgliedschaft und die hohe finanzielle Wiederaufbauunterstützung erwecken Hoffnung auf eine demokratische Ukraine, die mittels funktionierender Rechtsstaatlichkeit, Unternehmen maximale Sicherheit gewährleistet und deren Wirtschaft durch den Zufluss externer finanzieller Mittel und FDIs boomt. In dieser Hinsicht diskutiert vorliegender Beitrag zwei bedeutende politische Risikokategorien, die dieser Entwicklungsperspektive (...) maßgeblich im Weg stehen: State Capture und geopolitische Risiken. So zeigt der Beitrag mittels konzeptioneller und historischer Zusammenhänge zunächst auf, dass beide Risikokategorien eine hohe Persistenz und Tragweite aufweisen. Ein kurzer Abriss der Entwicklungsgeschichte der Ukraine in Hinblick auf State Capture und der sozioökonomischen Lage seit der Unabhängigkeit bis zum Krieg von 2022 liefert empirische Belege. Ferner wird untersucht, welche Dynamiken der russische Angriffskrieg und der EU-Reformdruck seit 2022 in dieser Hinsicht bewirken. In einer Gesamtevaluation werden in einem letzten Schritt drei Szenarien für ausländische Direktinvestitionen und sozioökonomische Entwicklungsperspektiven abgeleitet. (shrink)

This chapter aims to review the evolution of the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in recent decades, with the implementation of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Deepening cooperation in the field of security and defence is vital for the EU, considering the implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the current hostile international environment, with increasing geopolitical competition between major and middle powers. Spain must work towards a (...) European Defence Union and a European army capable of acting as a complementary element to NATO. (shrink)

Italy’s relationship with the U.S. is marked by strong social, economic and political ties. Over 17 million Americans are of Italian descent and hundreds of thousands of Italians work in the U.S. Bilateral trade exceeds EUR 100 billion, while political-security cooperation is robust, bolstered by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s support for Ukraine. Despite differing views on some issues, Italy generally supports transatlantic collaboration, which benefits its interests within the EU. Trump’s return to the White House could impact Italy’s policies (...) on Ukraine, European defence and trade, with Meloni likely to adapt her approach accordingly. (shrink)

Latvian policy towards Ukrainian refugees and their social conditions in 2022 passed through the period of wide financial support in the end of the winter and spring as well as attempts to decrease financial aid in the summer and autumn. Being the part of EU policy of temporary protection, however, Latvian experience of support for Ukrainian citizens presented how such a little state could be one of those that provided the most aid to Ukraine having spent 1 % of (...) the GDP in 2022. Offering almost the same rights for Ukrainian citizens staying in the country as for its residents, Latvia covered all the necessary costs of refugees’ living. Having compared the experience of Latvian policy towards refugees with other EU states, particularly with Poland, the article is the attempt to define all advantages and disadvantages of temporary protection for Ukrainian refugees. Due to the terms of Russo-Ukrainian war the policy became the attempt to integrate refugees into society and to decrease the state outcomes making refugees to be responsible for their social conditions. (shrink)

The crisis situation caused by pandemic COVID-19 and the effects of the war between Russia and Ukraine are also affecting the functioning of the European Union. From time to time, voices are raised questioning the existence of democratic legitimacy in the European Union. It is therefore important to examine how the concept of EU citizenship relates to the concept of right to vote, in particular, direct democracy. The institutions of direct democracy, and in particular, referendums, are the most general (...) and most powerful form of direct exercise of power, since they enable the people themselves to decide on a matter directly. When looking at the system in the EU Member States, it is worth examining the issue of referendums at national and local level, in particular the importance of the concept of EU citizenship in determining the voters who participate in the referendum. In this context, it could be asked as a preliminary question whether it would be possible to introduce an EU referendum in which EU citizens could decide on an issue falling within the EU’s competence, or whether, similarly, a cross-border regional referendum could be envisaged in which EU citizens living in several countries could decide on a regional issue affecting several countries. It is also necessary, however, to examine an institution that is already in operation: the past, present and future of the European Citizens’ Initiative, with a view to whether it could become a kind of European referendum in the future. (shrink)

This chapter aims to explain why some countries in the post-Soviet area show more steady progress in the implementation of democratic reforms and alignment with the European Union (EU)’s political acquis than others. Since the end of the Cold War, most states in post-Soviet Europe and Eurasia have embarked on some form of democratic transition. Yet, the scope and content of the reforms varies significantly across states. Particularly puzzling are developments since the mid 2000s, when democracy scores across the region (...) began to slow down or decline, such as in Ukraine, Armenia, or the Russian Federation. A wide array of explanations has already been advanced in the literature. However, current explanations are based mainly on single case studies, which makes it difficult to account for the broader variation of democratic reform across the countries in the post-Soviet area. This chapter identifies the main determinants of democratic reform and backsliding through a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) across thirteen countries in the post-Soviet area between 2006 and 2018. It shows that only a combination of EU-specific, domestic, and external factors accounts for the variation in the pace of democratic reforms in post-Soviet countries. While the EU is found to be a sufficient factor in democratic reform, autonomous social capital is identified as a necessary condition. Moreover, EU assistance can have positive but also negative effects on democracy. And dependence on the Russian Federation, considered an external autocracy promoter, can curtail but also fuel democratic reform progress. (shrink)

The Russian invasion of 2022 was based on an organized process of influence on the Ukrainian population, aimed at obtaining their support or neutralizing their possible resistance, in concert with the state apparatus. We find, in the backdrop of this process, the memorial conflict between these two countries and their neighbours, concerning World War II and the Soviet Union. This war of influence, or political warfare, which falls within new forms of contemporary hybrid warfare, profoundly has to do with images, (...) especially moving images. The cinematic images, the debauchery of their propaganda during the Second World War and throughout the existence of the USSR, still weighs on the bodies and minds; the new media has in many ways inherented them and their way of reenacting or extending propaganda on an individual or group scale. We will then question the place of images, and in particular those in motion, in the war between Russia and Ukraine since 2014 to describe the way in which they have served or still serve the military-memorial device deployed by the Russian invader. (shrink)

This article analyzes experience of Ukraine-EU cooperation in crisis management and disaster risk reduction, in particular, experience of implementation of the early-warning and conflict prevention systems. Basing on above developments, the article discusses the necessity to implement a complex early warning and conflict prevention system with usage of modern Internet-based technologies of data collection.

This article involves a qualitative research undertaken to elucidate how Ukraine’s European identity is constructed by Carl Bildt, Sweden’s Minister for Foreign Affairs. Specifically, the paper’s aim is to identify conceptual metaphors used by Carl Bildt in his political online discourse concerning Ukraine within the timeframe from 1 April 2013 until 1 April 2014. In addition to this objective, the article explores whether or not concepts SELF as the EU and OTHER as non-EU respectively are embedded in conceptual (...) metaphors identified in Bildt’s discoursal space involving Ukraine’s European identity. Results of the data analysis reveal several types of conceptual metaphors which are present in the corpus of Bildt’s online discourse involving Ukraine: “EU as a Path”, “EU as a Nurturant Parent”, “EU as a House”, “Ukraine’s Politics towards EU as a Stock Market Crash”, “Ukraine’s Path to EU as Poland’s EU Path” and “The EU Flag as a Symbol of the Better Future”, respectively. These conceptual metaphors seem to be exacerbated by the presence of the concept SELF. (shrink)

The Russo-Ukrainian War marks a significant moment in the post-1945 history of Europe when a new European war has begun that will shape relations with Russia for a long time to come. This war is not a regional war but is a product of the divergent and seemingly irreconcilable paths of the Russian Federation and Ukraine that go back to the collapse of the USSR while the critical juncture was the Iraq war, which set the terms for the current (...) collapse in normative internationalism. The question of military support – its extent and duration – for Ukraine has major implications for the future of Europe. The moral and political challenges for Europe should not be confused with the interests of US foreign policy, which is using Ukraine for purposes that have little to do with what Europe should be concerned with, namely justice and peace. (shrink)

The article analyzes arguments, made by John J. Mearsheimer and others, that the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 was largely caused by Western policy. It finds that these arguments rely on a partially false and incomplete reading of history. To do so, the article identifies a range of premises that are both foundational to Mearsheimer’s claims and based on implied or explicit historical interpretations. This includes the varying policies of Ukraine toward NATO and the EU as well (...) as the changing Russian perceptions thereof; the political upheavals in Ukraine in early 2014 that were immediately succeeded by the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass; and the supposed absence of Russian ‘imperialism’ toward Ukraine prior to 2014. Finding that these interpretations do not hold up in light of relevant and available data, the article qualifies and contextualizes the validity of Mearsheimer’s arguments, points to superior ones, and highlights the need for case-specific expertise when using explanatory theory to make sense of politically salient ongoing events. (shrink)

The paper examines a concept of the Balto-Black Sea Union, which ideas were translated into reality during the Kievan Rus and Grand Duchy of Lithuania period. In the 10th-11th centuries the road from the North to the South, from the East-country to the Black Sea ran through the territory of Ukraine. The way 'from the Varangians to the Greeks' integrated two regions, the Baltic and the Black Sea, and was to the advantage of all those involved. This conceptual idea (...) was again looked into by Ukrainian politicians and researchers in the early 20th century, it was explored and proposed by Mykhailo Grushevskyi, Yuriy Lypa and Stepan Rudnytskyi. The idea of the 'inter-sea area' became a subject for active discussion in Polish, Ukrainian, Belorussian and Lithuanian political quarters in the late 1980s. This plot deserves attention of contemporary Ukrainian politicians in the current dynamic geopolitical context as an efficient and timely anti-Russian international project which will underpin the security of Ukraine. This idea was partially implemented in the form of the GUAM, the Black Sea Organization for Economic Cooperation and the Community of Democratic Choice. The natural vector 'North - South' of communicative and transit transport flows is not used in full measure by Ukraine. The Balto-Black Sea Union offers a significant security component which is of interest to the USA and the European Union. The emergence of such new world economic centers as the USA, the EU and China imparts a new focus to foreign policy priorities of Ukraine. (shrink)

Since 2022, the EU, US, and other nations have imposed medical sanctions on Russia to block the export of pharmaceuticals and medical devices and curtail clinical trials to degrade Russia’s military capabilities. While international law proscribes sanctions that cause a humanitarian crisis, an outcome averted in Russia, the military effects of medical sanctions have been lean. Strengthening medical sanctions risks violating noncombatant and combatant rights to healthcare. Each group’s claim is different. Noncombatants and severely injured soldiers who cannot return to (...) duty enjoy the right to adequate health care that sanctions cannot undermine. Combatants falling captive enjoy the same medical care that adversaries provide their own troops. Combatants yet to renounce hostilities, however, have no claim to medical attention and remain subject to sanctions. Nevertheless, medical sanctions prove unworkable in this complex environment of conflicting rights and command no place in a sustainable sanction regime. (shrink)

The ongoing war in Ukraine, which began in 2022, has displaced millions of people, creating immense challenges for healthcare systems in refugee-receiving countries. While temporary protection aims to grant refugees access to medical care, significant structural barriers and ethical shortcomings exist in refugee healthcare. To meet this challenge, the authors propose considering the integration of displaced physicians into the medical care systems of host countries. This solution not only meets the immediate healthcare demands but also leverages the expertise of (...) Ukrainian doctors. The implementation in Germany and Poland exemplifies the current heterogeneity of regulations governing the professional practice of Ukrainian physicians, with individual workarounds such as the possibility of treating fellow Ukrainians while waiting for the approval of the license. From an ethical perspective, the dilemma between the urgent need for additional physicians and ensuring patient safety by thoroughly assessing all doctors’ qualifications is a critical concern. Considering all the analyzed aspects, the authors advocate for harmonizing the regulations across the EU and removing barriers that limit healthcare access for refugees. They further stress the importance of developing comprehensive long-term strategies to ensure sustained healthcare access for Ukrainian refugees. (shrink)

The proposed article provides an overview of European and North American states’ legislation, which regulates the procedure for pre-clinical research, clinical trials and state registration of medicinal products, as well as responsibility for its violation, analysis of the problems and prospects of adaptation of the national legislation to European legal space, particularly in the field of criminal and legal regulation of relations in the sphere of pre-clinical trials, clinical trials and state registration of medicine. The emphasis is put on the (...) matter that inclusion of Article 321-2 into the Criminal Code of Ukraine leads to a false concurrence with other provisions of the Code. The author proposes to introduce recent EU legislation (Acquis Communautaire) on legal regulation of clinical trials and circulation of medicine into the law of Ukraine, clarify terminology related to Fundamentals of Ukrainian Legislation on Health Protection and the Special Part of criminal law, introduce criminal liability for legal entities that will provide effective control over negative effects of research centers’ activity. It is suggested to develop legislative proposals to improve the provisions of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, which provide legal protection of relations arising in connection with pre-clinical research, clinical trials and state registration of medicinal products. (shrink)

In the article examines the international experience in organization and legal support market surveillance, the current status and approaches to reform this sector in Ukraine in accordance with WTO requirements and EU, measures to improve it are founded.

The European Union (EU) requires a robust discussion on reforming its enlargement policy. Additionally, Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine has fundamentally altered the context of EU enlargement policy and the functioning of the Union, reintroducing geopolitics to the forefront. Russia’s neo-imperial control tactics in the former Soviet Union countries, employing various methods from economic and political coercion to disinformation campaigns, election meddling, cyber-attacks, and even military aggression, leave governments, particularly those in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood and Western Balkans, (...) vulnerable. This challenges the core principles of a rules-based international order and fundamentally questions EU values. It could also impact their reliance on geopolitical actors such as China, Turkey, and the Western powers. (shrink)

The article is a philosophical response to the op-ed of the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas Krieg und Empörung, published by him in the Süddeutsche Zeitung in April 2022. The op-ed demonstrates the philosopher’s view on ideological disputes and political debates or “indignation” (Empörung) in public sphere in both Germany and the EU concerning an attempt to develop a unanimous policy to help Ukraine with weapons against Russia’s military aggression. The authors presume that Habermas published the accountable message of a (...) responsible citizen that means it should be also taken as based on his theoretical achievements. The article consists of two parts. The first part sets out the main arguments of the philosopher’s newspaper article, which ends with a recommendation of compromise and partnership negotiations with the aggressor de facto due to the losses of Ukraine. The second part is an attempt by the authors to clarify the main preconditions and premises of Habermas’s communicative philosophy, which demonstrate the fundamental limitation of its explanatory power for this type of radical dissent, which is war. First of all, the authors suggest, it is the idea of pacification in interethnic relations, which forms the intellectual mood after World War II and finds its philosophical expression in the discovery of a priori foundations of understanding (Apel, Habermas) and ideas of developing formal pragmatics of communication. Attention to the latter allows the authors to demonstrate how consistent analysis of a priori (counterfactual) conditions of communication is considered by Habermas primarily in the historical perspective of positive dimensions of social integration - democratic equality, freedom, justice for participants of communicative interaction. The article concludes with a detailed analysis of the significance of the concept “lifeworld” as one of the central concepts within communicative theory and an analogue of “form of life” and “culture”. The authors argue the idea of perspective creating a common lifeworld for all in the processes of communication is fundamental to the works of the philosopher. The article concludes that the regulative idea of the single world as a basic ontological assumption of communicative theory does limit its explanatory capacity in terms of a war situation as a clash of different cultural worlds. (shrink)

The article is a philosophical response to the oped of the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas Krieg und Empörung, published by him in the Süddeutsche Zeitung in April 2022. The oped demonstrates the philosopher’s view on ideological disputes and political debates or “indignation” (Empörung) in public sphere in both Germany and the EU concerning an attempt to develop a unanimous policy to help Ukraine with weapons against Russia’s military aggression. The authors presume that Habermas published the accountable message of a (...) responsible citizen that means it should be also taken as based on his theoretical achievements. The article consists of two parts. The first part sets out the main arguments of the philosopher’s newspaper article, which ends with a recommendation of compromise and partnership negotiations with the aggressor de facto due to the losses of Ukraine. The second part is an attempt by the authors to clarify the main preconditions and premises of Habermas’s communicative philosophy, which demonstrate the fundamental limitation of its explanatory power for this type of radical dissent, which is war. First of all, the authors suggest, it is the idea of pacification in interethnic relations, which forms the intellectual mood after World War II and finds its philosophical expression in the discovery of a priori foundations of understanding (Apel, Habermas) and ideas of developing formal pragmatics of communication. Attention to the latter allows the authors to demonstrate how consistent analysis of a priori (counterfactual) conditions of communication is considered by Habermas primarily in the historical perspective of positive dimensions of social integration - democratic equality, freedom, justice for participants of communicative interaction. The article concludes with a detailed analysis of the significance of the concept “lifeworld” as one of the central concepts within communicative theory and an analogue of “form of life” and “culture”. The authors argue the idea of perspective creating a common lifeworld for all in the processes of communication is fundamental to the works of the philosopher. The article concludes that the regulative idea of the single world as a basic ontological assumption of communicative theory does limit its explanatory capacity in terms of a war situation as a clash of different cultural worlds. (shrink)