In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Feminist Studies 41, no. 3. © 2015 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 509 Mytheli Sreenivas Birth Control in the Shadow of Empire: The Trials of Annie Besant, 1877–1878 In March 1877, two London activists provoked a debate about poverty and overpopulation that reverberated across metropole and colony. These activists, Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, republished a book by the American physician Charles Knowlton that outlined methods to prevent conception. TheFruitsofPhilosophy,which (...) Bradlaugh and Besant provocatively subtitled An Essay on the Population Question, had been in limited circulation in Britain since 1833, but the book’s legality was called into question when its previous publisher was charged with obscenity in early 1877.1 Determined to establish the legal right to publish information about contraception, on March 23rd, 1877, Bradlaugh and Besant delivered copies of The Fruits of Philosophy to the police department, the city solicitor, and local magistrates, and they announced their intent to sell the book from their premises at the Freethought Publishing Company on Stonecutter Street in East London. The following day, a crowd filled the narrow space outside the publishing house, and the two activists sold hundreds of copies of Knowlton’s book. When no arrests were made, Besant and Bradlaugh renotified the authorities that they were selling a supposedly obscene book and were informed in turn that papers were 1. S. Chandrasekhar, “A Dirty, Filthy Book”: The Writings of Charles Knowlton and Annie Besant on Reproductive Physiology and Birth Control and an Account of the Bradlaugh-Besant Trial (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 26. 510 Mytheli Sreenivas being prepared for their arrest and prosecution. On the 7th of April, 1877, Besant and Bradlaugh were arrested and taken into custody.2 In their subsequent trial, the two activists linked birth control advocacy to a Malthusian worldview. They argued that the urban working classes and the rural poor in Britain labored under the burden of overpopulation. Humanitarian concern for impoverished people, and not intent to promote obscenity, drove them to disseminate information about birth control. Besant and Bradlaugh were eventually acquitted on a legal technicality, and Bradlaugh moved on to other issues. Besant, however, was dissatisfied with The Fruits of Philosophy because its methods were outdated by the science of the day. She was determined to write a more up-to-date guide explaining contraceptive methods and went on to found a Malthusian League to disseminate birth control information. These events—the trial and Besant’s further campaigns promoting contraception —mark a watershed moment in the history of birth control activism.3 They would shape how reproduction came to be understood not as a private matter, but as a particular sort of social problem, whose implications reverberated from London to the empire in India and back again. To outside observers, Bradlaugh and Besant may have seemed an unlikely pair to set these events into motion. Bradlaugh, at age forty-four, had a long history of association with radical causes. A celebrated atheist and antimonarchical republican, he helped to shape a tradition of mid-nineteenth-century English radicalism that developed in the wake of Chartist decline. As a member of the National Reform League in the 1860s, he had participated in public demonstrations to extend the franchise. His leadership of the National Secular Society made him a popular lecturer among Freethinkers on issues of political democracy, anticlericalism, and occasionally on neo-Malthusianism.4 2. Anne Taylor, Annie Besant: A Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 110–12. 3. The term “birth control” was coined in a meeting of Margaret Sanger and her associates in 1914, and thus would not have been in use in the late nineteenth century. The term contraception was not unknown, but had only limited circulation in scientific discourses. Nevertheless, I use both “birth control” and “contraception” interchangeably to mean methods to prevent conception. See Peter C. Engelman, A History of the Birth Control Movement in America (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011), xviii. 4. Taylor, Annie Besant, 80–81. Mytheli Sreenivas 511 In comparison to Bradlaugh’s prominence, Besant was relatively unknown. Her public career began after a separation from her husband, the Anglican vicar Frank Besant. Perhaps the couple were ill-suited to each other from... (shrink)

There is an undeniable tendency to dismiss women’s sexual assault allegations out of hand. However, this tendency is not monolithic—allegations that black men have raped white women are often met with deadly seriousness. I argue that contemporary rape culture is characterized by the interplay between rape myths that minimize rape, and myths that catastrophize rape. Together, these two sets of rape myths distort the epistemic resources that people use when assessing rape allegations. These distortions result in the (...) unjust exoneration of people we cannot conceive of as monstrous, while making it too easy to believe that some marginalized people could be rapists. I also argue that rape myths enable a novel kind of epistemic injustice. This injustice concerns how our assessments of trustworthiness and our assessments of plausibility interact. I argue that rape myths can result in runaway credibility deflations that can explain both why people fail to believe most women, and also why people may unjustly believe false allegations that white women have been raped by black men. (shrink)

Axiomatic measurement theories are commonly interpreted as claiming that, in order to quantify an empirical domain, the qualitative structure of data about that domain must be mapped to a numerical structure. Such mapping is supposed to be established independently, i.e., without presupposing that the domain can be quantified. This interpretation is based on two myths: that it is possible to independently infer the qualitative structure of objects from empirical data, and that the adequacy of numerical representations can only be (...) justified by mapping such qualitative structures to numerical ones. I dispel the myths and show that axiomatic measurement theories provide an inadequate characterization of the kind of evidence required to detect quantities. (shrink)

In this paper, I aim to shed some light on what rape myths are and what we can do about them. I start by giving a brief overview of some common rape myths. I then use two philosophical tools to offer a perspective on rape myths. First, I show that we can usefully see rape myths as an example of what Miranda Fricker has termed ‘epistemic injustice’, which is a type of wrong that concerns our role (...) as knowers. Then, I show that it is important to recognise that rape myths are instances of misogyny. This word is of course a more familiar one, but I'll be drawing on a specific philosophical account of what misogyny is, developed by Kate Manne, that I think is useful here. Finally, I briefly consider some upshots of these claims. (shrink)

Roman Frigg and James Nguyen present a detailed statement and defense of the fiction view of scientific models, according to which they are akin to the characters and places of literary fiction. They argue that while some of the criticisms this view has attracted raise legitimate points, others are myths. In this chapter, they first identify and then rebut the following seven myths: (1) that the fiction view regards products of science as falsehoods; (2) that the fiction view (...) holds that models are data-free; (3) that the fiction view is antithetical to representation; (4) that the fiction view trivializes epistemology; (5) that the fiction view cannot account for the use of mathematics in the modeling; (6) that the fiction view misconstrues the function of models in the scientific process; and (7) that the fiction view stands on the wrong side of politics. As a result, they conclude that the fiction view of models, suitably understood (as an account of the ontology of models, rather than their function), remains a viable position. (shrink)

Roman Frigg and James Nguyen present a detailed statement and defense of the fiction view of scientific models, according to which they are akin to the characters and places of literary fiction. They argue that while some of the criticisms this view has attracted raise legitimate points, others are myths. In this chapter, they first identify and then rebut the following seven myths: that the fiction view regards products of science as falsehoods; that the fiction view holds that (...) models are data-free; that the fiction view is antithetical to representation; that the fiction view trivializes epistemology; that the fiction view cannot account for the use of mathematics in the modeling; that the fiction view misconstrues the function of models in the scientific process; and that the fiction view stands on the wrong side of politics. As a result, they conclude that the fiction view of models, suitably understood, remains a viable position. (shrink)

It is commonplace to observe that members of the same family resemble each other in various ways. So perhaps it surprising to learn that some philosophers see family resemblances as deeply intertwined with myths. But how could this be? Aren’t the resemblances out there, waiting to be noticed quite apart from any family mythology? This paper argues that family resemblances can be thought of as myth-involving through one of three myths: 1. The myth of ubiquity, 2. The myth (...) of natural salience and 3. The myth of significance. Beyond explaining the myths, I explain their ethical and political ramifications. (shrink)

Fallacies are often treated either as simple logical errors or as tactical tools to win debates and legitimize indefensible political positions. Curiously, despite their real-world impact, they are usuallytaught in an apolitical, stylized light. Historically, however, the study of fallacies has been driven by a pursuit of justice. It stems from concerns over paid deceptive narratives used to maintain power,foreign interference in political sovereignty, and unethical reasoning that causes human suffering. Our exchange unpacks myths in this exact spirit: to (...) disrupt the moral guise of a logic that sustains ongoing colonialism in the Palestinian territories. Approaching Ilan Pappe’s Ten Myths about Israel as an effort to debunk the sophistical premises of Israel’s settler-colonial project, this discussion extracts nine key themes from Pappe’s critique of Zionist discourse. Finally, it expands upon a phenomenon termed "live colonialism.". (shrink)

Sijilmassi et al. claim that historical myths are technologies of recruitment that mimic cues of fitness interdependence. Paradoxically, they also claim that people are vigilant and that these myths might not and do not have to convince others, which raises questions about how these myths become culturally successful. Thinking about historical myths as commitment devices helps overcome this paradox.

Critical social scientific scholarship on artificial intelligence (AI) has largely focused on risk, surveillance, and harm. While indispensable in countering industry hype, these cautionary narratives risk becoming critical myths when they travel unexamined across contexts. This article argues for a reflexive, context-attuned, ethnographic approach to AI that troubles such generalisations. Drawing on fieldwork in Tacumbu Prison in Paraguay, I analyse the use of an AI-driven tool for tuberculosis diagnosis among incarcerated men. In contrast to my previous, predominantly critical studies (...) of AI in hospitals, this case shows AI enabling earlier diagnosis, widening access to care, and reconfiguring low-paid caregivers’ roles in ways they themselves experience as empowering. Rather than disembodying care, AI-supported work here is strikingly intimate and tactile. Placing this case in dialogue with debates on myth, “histories from above”, and reflexivity, the article develops the notion of “critical myths of AI” to describe how even critical narratives about AI can harden into travelling stories that obscure contextual variation. It then uses this concept to argue for a reflexive, context-attuned model of AI ethnography, in which researchers systematically revisit their own earlier AI studies in light of contrasting cases. It argues that revisiting one’s own AI ethnographies in light of contrasting cases is not only good scholarly practice but methodologically necessary in a rapidly changing technical field, with implications for how designers, policymakers, and ethicists imagine “AI for social good”. (shrink)

Toni Morrison’s novels act as a transformative medium for reinterpreting ancient myths, a process that turns them into narratives that deeply resonate with the African American experience. This study delves into her adept integration and rewriting of classical and African mythologies to explore themes of identity, trauma, and community within African American life. In Song of Solomon, Morrison reinterprets the myth of Ulysses through Milkman’s journey, transmuting an epic quest into a profound exploration of heritage and self-discovery against racial (...) history. On the other hand, Sula uses the Pygmalion and Galatea myth to dismember perceptions of beauty and transformation within interpersonal relations, claiming that everything in identity is level and perception is power. The Bluest Eye juxtaposes the Demeter and Persephone narrative with the tragedy of Pecola Breedlove, critiquing the destructive idealisation of Western beauty standards and examining the cyclical nature of abuse and marginalisation. At the same time, Beloved echoes the haunting resonance of the Philomela and Procne myth, articulating the unspeakable traumas of slavery and the silencing of women’s voices through the spectral presence of its titular character. It proves that her novels return to these myths and rewrite them bluntly, giving new narratives affirming the complexity of the African American identity through the prism of mythic transformation and rebirth. The paper will tease out the fact that her revisionist approach to mythmaking is inextricably related to her feminism and thereby adds a multilayered discussion to the way issues of race, gender, and mythology cross in contemporary literature. This work re-establishes her as one of the most crucial figures in feminist and cultural studies. (shrink)

Most philosophers of mathematics try to show either that the sort of knowledge mathematicians have is similar to the sort of knowledge specialists in the empirical sciences have or that the kind of knowledge mathematicians have, although apparently about objects such as numbers, sets, and so on, isn't really about those sorts of things as well. Jody Azzouni argues that mathematical knowledge really is a special kind of knowledge with its own special means of gathering evidence. He analyses the linguistic (...) pitfalls and misperceptions philosophers in this field are often prone to, and explores the misapplications of epistemic principles from the empirical sciences to the exact sciences. What emerges is a picture of mathematics both sensitive to mathematical practice, and to the ontological and epistemological issues that concern philosophers. (shrink)

The university extension work allows us from teaching, create spaces to bring our students to social problems that require their attention, such as sexist violence in courtship. In a country where violence against women, girls and adolescents is a constant, dismantling the myths of romantic love among young people is one way to eradicate gender based violence. In 2019, the National System for the Protection of Children and Adolescents [SIPINNA] reported that 7 out of 10 teenagers had suffered violence (...) in their dating relationship, therefore, we consider designing a workshop for high school students as a necessary university extension exercise. (shrink)

Roman Frigg and James Nguyen present a detailed statement and defense of the fiction view of scientific models, according to which they are akin to the characters and places of literary fiction. They argue that while some of the criticisms this view has attracted raise legitimate points, others are myths. In this chapter, they first identify and then rebut the following seven myths: (1) that the fiction view regards products of science as falsehoods; (2) that the fiction view (...) holds that models are data-free; (3) that the fiction view is antithetical to representation; (4) that the fiction view trivializes epistemology; (5) that the fiction view cannot account for the use of mathematics in the modeling; (6) that the fiction view misconstrues the function of models in the scientific process; and (7) that the fiction view stands on the wrong side of politics. As a result, they conclude that the fiction view of models, suitably understood (as an account of the ontology of models, rather than their function), remains a viable position. (shrink)

Although we agree that historical myths function to increase cooperation in the groups that share them, we propose that the mechanisms at work may include affective states. We suggest that sharing historical myths can create a felt sense of intimacy, similarity, and security among group members, which increases trust and motivates cooperation, even without particular beliefs about population structure.

Research on gender in social studies has acknowledged the marginalized position of women, nonbinary, and transgender peoples within social studies curriculum and pedagogy while also making note of the ways that whiteness and masculinity shape the embodiments of citizenship and social studies. This chapter considers the ways that white heteronormative masculinity projects expectations onto teachers and students through curricular representations and pedagogical practices common within the field through the centering of several myths about the nature of masculinity. The author (...) seeks to make sense of the ways that historical hauntings of white masculinity shape white students’ and teachers’ understanding of themselves and others, civic action, and pedagogical responsibility within the contexts of social studies teaching and learning. (shrink)

Do people believe in historical myths because they are manipulated by coalitional recruiters, or because it is in their interests to do so? The target article gives somewhat conflicting explanations. We propose that the audiences of historical myths are socially rather than epistemically motivated – they believe and propagate historical myths as a way of signaling their coalitional commitments.

Sijilmassi et al. argue that myths around shared ancestry and history exploit an evolved psychology of interdependence. In contrast, we argue that psychological exploitation is not required. Rather, such myths may be one method, among many, to create a shared understanding of group boundaries, which can be “self-enforcing.” We summarize the game-theoretic basis for this account and some supportive evidence.

Sijilmassi et al. offer a myth-based framework that is particularly useful in understanding the rising tide of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. We propose that the success of these myths lies partly in drawing upon the evolved human capacity for prestige-based status to induce a sense of belonging and identification with high-prestige Hindu social groups.

This comment seeks to extend the authors' argument by considering how perceived fitness interdependence is generated in different settings. Based primarily on research from political science, it argues that strategic agents may seek to design myths that emphasize not only the longevity of their coalitions, but also internal features such as material and status equality and institutional impartiality.

The authors' proposal for the evolutionary origins of historical myths does not hold up to scrutiny, as illustrated by a simple mathematical model. Group-level explanations, such as defining the conditions for in-group membership, are dismissed by the authors but are far more plausible, as illustrated by the ongoing war in Ukraine.

This article probes the gap between different cultural perspectives in contemporary Aotearoa New Zealand, a nation-state founded on a bicultural encounter between indigenous Māori and settler British. One source of misunderstandings is a set of distorted versions of historical and social reality that have been promulgated through schooling and national media. These distortions of truth take the form of certain dubious, denigratory ideas about Māori, accepted as commonsense truth by Pākehā (European New Zealanders) to bolster their feelings of security and (...) superiority in relation to Māori. I refer to these ideologies as the ‘truth-myths of New Zealand’ that operate like thought weapons of Whitepower within the apparently harmonious social context of Aotearoa New Zealand, dubbed with a longstanding reputation for the ‘best race relations in the world’. The purpose of this article is to focus in on the truth-myths themselves, represented by three typical statements of key ideas, presenting and explaining each one, and commenting on their significance and ongoing influence in national education, and society more generally. (shrink)

Many have suggested that the transformation standardly referred to as `time reversal' in quantum theory is not deserving of the name. I argue on the contrary that the standard definition is perfectly appropriate, and is indeed forced by basic considerations about the nature of time in the quantum formalism.

This paper suggests that sexuality education needs to take into account the myths by which teachers educate and students learn. Here myth is understood as a narrative, paradigm or vision. The paper does not argue against myth. Rather, it argues that myth or narrative provides a much needed depth dimension to sexuality education. It does argue, however, that the existing myths serve sexuality education poorly. The final section of the paper proposes three narratives which provide rich alternatives to (...) the dominant myth. (shrink)

Being clear about the nature and demands of business ethics, particularly in the context of Hong Kong, means dispelling a number of popular myths. The author is Associate Professor of Management at the Asia International Open University, Matheson Centre, 3 Matheson Street, Hong Kong. She is also an Associate Editor of this Review.

This chapter debunks a series of myths about science and religion. These include the idea that Giordano Bruno and then Galileo Galilei were martyrs of modern science; that Copernicanism was unilaterally opposed by the Church; that Christianity sets faith against evidence; that reason has played no part in Christian thinking over its history; that true science is only ever cold, detached, and rational; that thinkers must pick a side in the war between “science” and “religion.” Modern examples of all (...) of these myths are given, ranging from academic works to bestselling novels. Each is studied in turn, and then revealed to be false. As with the other chapters, John William Draper and Andrew Dickson White are shown to be largely responsible for popularizing them in the first place. (shrink)

_Learn the truth about bullying in the 21 st century: what to look for, and how to cope with the social problems facing today's kids._ Whether dealing with bullying issues or worrying that they might occur, parents are faced with more challenges than ever before. In the age of the internet and social media, traditional approaches to bullying haven’t kept pace with new realities, and new problems like cyberbullying have emerged. Parents searching for ways to prevent or cope with bullying (...) are flooded by a deluge of advice, opinions, and strategies—often conflicting or, even worse, potentially harmful. _25 Myths about Bullying and Cyberbullying_ helps parents understand the causes and consequences of bullying, determine if something is truly a problem, and effectively deal with problems when they arise. This practical guide enables parents to appreciate how modern digital environments impact a young person's communication and relationships, recognize the most prevalent types of psychological bullying and cyberbullying, and know when and how to intervene. The author dispels common myths related to the confronting of bullies, victims seeking revenge on bullies, keeping kids off their phones and computers to prevent cyberbullying, the links between bullying and suicide, and many others. Backed by the most recent work in bullying and cyberbullying research, this book helps parents: Understand what causes, prevents, and stops bullying and cyberbullying Tell the difference between bullying issues and normal ‘growing pains’ Recognize the signs and effects of psychological bullying Know when intervening is helpful, and when it can be destructive Reduce social anxieties and the potential for bullying issues in children and young adults _25 Myths about Bullying and Cyberbullying_ is an important resource for parents of school-age children and young adults, as well as staff in educational environments. (shrink)

This volume brings together ten of the most celebrated Platonic myths, from eight of Plato's dialogues ranging from the early Protagoras and Gorgias to the late Timaeus and Critias. They include the famous myth of the cave from Republic as well as 'The Judgement of Souls' and 'The Birth of Love'. Each myth is a self-contained story, prefaced by a short explanatory note, while the introduction considers Plato's use of myth and imagery.

'Once upon a time there were just the gods; mortal beings did not yet exist.' We are used to thinking of myths as stories, and modern myths as made up and fictitious. For the ancient Greeks, however, a myth was a story that unveiled reality, and for Plato, myth-maker as well as myth-teller, a myth could tell us something important about ourselves and our world. The ultimate purpose of Plato's myths is to help us live a better (...) life, and to teach philosophical truths in a form we can most easily understand. This volume brings together ten of the most celebrated Platonic myths, from eight of Plato's dialogues ranging from the early Protagoras and Gorgias to the late Timaeus and Critias. They include the famous myth of the cave from Republic as well as 'The Judgement of Souls' and 'The Birth of Love'. Each myth is a self-contained story, prefaced by a short explanatory note, while the introduction considers Plato's use of myth and imagery. These myths are thought-provoking and profound, and together they provide an ideal introduction to Plato's philosophy. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more. (shrink)

Dictionaries of classical mythology have long been the province of the Greek tradition—any mention of the Romans is often by contrast, painting a portrait of a people without gods, heroes, or a true mythology of their own. This two-hundred-year-old prejudice, born of the Romantic movement and nourished by the classical scholarship of the nineteenth century, portrayed the Romans as merely practical—a race of engineers, jurists, and empire-builders—in stark contrast to the authentically creative poets, dramatists, and philosophers of ancient Greece. Widely (...) reviewed and celebrated on its initial publication three years ago, Peter Wiseman’s _The Myths of Rome_ dismantles those entrenched prejudices and ambitiously explores the neglected evidence for a uniquely Roman mythology. Inspiring writers, artists, and statesmen throughout the ages, the myths of Rome—iconographic and literary—have enjoyed a rich afterlife in Western culture, from the works of Botticelli and Shakespeare to the emblems of higher learning. This lavishly illustrated volume presents the Roman myths in all their glory, each presented in a format both accessible and appealing to the modern reader. Tracing the development of the world of Roman stories over time and imaginatively reconstructing our picture of early Roman civilization, this major reevaluation of Roman history and its influence on Western culture uses the mediums of myth and art to change our vision of the ancient republic. (shrink)

Over a century ago a Western observer recognized an effective morality among Navajo Indians in the American Southwest, yet could not locate its expression, except in mythology recounting contradictory behaviors. Through the 1900s scholars delineated contours of Navajo moral values, myths, and taxonomies upon which moral traditions were based, and situations in which Navajos have engaged in ethical decision-making. Recently individual Navajos have manifested their role as ethical agents, not merely as recipients of moral lore. A contemporary Navajo storyteller, (...) Sunny Dooley, enunciates narrative ethical judgments, grounded in traditional Navajo mythology and its religious milieu, as she addresses the present conditions of her people. Thus she probes the contradictions that are inherent to life. Her stories testify to the insoluble conflicts within the human condition, ultimate and immediate conundrums that must be faced, even though they surely will not be resolved. (shrink)

Can the concept of myths, as developed by Simone de Beauvoir in The Second Sex, help us to better understand and sociologically examine social inequalities in heterosexual couple relationships? Beauvoir has shown how women are defined as the Other. Her conceptualization of myths plays an important role in the production of asymmetry between men and women. How can we translate these myths, to a sociological micro level to examine couple relationships? We illustrate the feasibility of this approach (...) through the comparison of two qualitative research projects from the 1990s and 2020s with dual-earner couples in transition to retirement. We try to find out how femininity and masculinity are defined in couple relationships, how they relate to each other, and whether asymmetry is at work. What has changed over time and are women (still) defined in a subordinate and derivative way from men? (shrink)

This paper argues that three characteristic modern positions concerning intentionality – namely, (1) that intentionality is ‘the mark of the mental’; (2) that intentionality concerns a specific type of objects having intentional inexistence; and (3) that intentionality somehow defies logic – are just three ‘modern myths’ that medieval philosophers, from whom the modern notion supposedly originated, would definitely reject.

This article argues the following points. The Hobbesian hypothesis, which we define as the claim that all people are better off under state authority than they would be outside of it, is an empirical claim about all stateless societies. It is an essential premise in most contractarian justifications of government sovereignty. Many small-scale societies are stateless. Anthropological evidence from them provides sufficient reason to doubt the truth of the hypothesis, if not to reject it entirely. Therefore, contractarian theory has not (...) done what it claims to do: it has not justified state sovereignty to each person subject to it by demonstrating that they benefit from that authority. To be justified in contractarian terms, states have to do something to improve the living standards of disadvantaged people under their rule. (shrink)

Little attention has been paid to what the word ‘myth’ contributes to the concept of rape myths. Rape myths tend to be regarded as widely believed falsehoods that need to be debunked in order to address patriarchal injustices. This account draws upon a long-standing vernacular English association between myth and falsehood which originated in the Enlightenment. But it is not the only possible definition of myth. This article draws upon mythological studies across a range of disciplines to argue (...) that rape myths should be considered authentically mythic; that is, rape ‘myths’ are culturally significant folk narratives about sexual wrongdoing. This reappraisal enables a shift in our understanding of what rape myths are, what they could be—and what we can do to reduce their pernicious influence on the criminal justice system. It also enables legal scholars to more generally reassess how the concept of ‘myth’ is used across our discipline(s). (shrink)

This article challenges three widespread assumptions about Kant’s argument for the antithesis of the Second Antinomy. The first assumption is that this argument consists of an argument for the claim that “[no] composite thing in the world consists of simple parts”, and a logically independent argument for the claim that “nothing simple exists anywhere in the world”. The second assumption is that when Kant argues that “[no] composite thing in the world consists of simple parts”, he is making a claim (...) about the mereological structure of spatially extended things in particular, as opposed to a claim about the mereological structure of things in general. And the third assumption is that Kant’s argument for this part of the antithesis is based on a claim about the relationship between the size of the extension of a composite thing and the sizes of the extensions of the things of which this composite thing consists. (shrink)

This article seeks to address and dispel some of the popular myths and misconceptions surrounding authorship of a scientific publication as this is often misconstrued by beginners in academia especially those in the developing world. While ethical issues in publishing related to authorship have been increasingly discussed, not much has been written about the myths and misconceptions of who might be an author. Dispelling these myths and misconceptions would go a long way in shaping the thoughts and (...) plans of students, junior faculty and researchers in academia especially in the developing world. (shrink)

This article explores parallels between Marx's and Schumpeter's theories of capitalist development, and discusses the relationship of these classical approaches to later constructivist theories of technological and organizational changes. It is suggested that Marxian and Schumpeterian ideas could be combined in a way which remedies the weaknesses of both sides, and provides a better understanding of the innovative dynamics of capitalism; such a synthesis could then be linked to a constructivist model of the rise and fall of economic `myths'.