ABSTRACTRevisiting the trend of identifying populism with extreme right parties, in this paper we aim to problematize such associations within the context of today’s Europe. Drawing on examples from relevant parties in France and the Netherlands, and applying a discourse-theoretical methodology, we test the hypothesis that such parties are better categorized primarily as nationalist and only secondarily – and reluctantly – as ‘populist’. Our hypothesis follows the remarks of scholars who have stressed that the central theme in the (...) discourse of such parties is not the staging of an antagonism between a ‘people’ and an ‘elite’, but rather the opposition of an ethnic community with its alleged dangerous ‘others’. In this context, we propose a discursive methodology able to differentiate between ‘populist’ and ‘nationalist’ discourses by locating the core signifiers in each discourse in relation to peripheral ones, as well as by clarifying the nature of the axial antagonisms put forth. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to problematize, from a sociopolitical and psychoanalytic point of view, the current rise of the new rights, especially in Latin America. Although this extremist renaissance is loosely and indicatively referred to as fascism, we believe that, after careful analysis, today’s far-rights are not simple repetitions of the fascisms of the s. XX. It is about an unprecedented governmentality and ideology that, on the one hand, is not reduced to neoliberalism and, on the other hand, (...) surpasses the European-Anglo-Saxon alt-right and contemporary libertarianism. We give it the particular name of liber-fascism, to the extent that it brings a new mode of political subjectivation: the defender of himself. We divide the text into two sections. In the first, we discuss the sociopolitical particularities of liber-fascism: the emergence of a social ontology of the defender of himself that conceives of the capitalist market as an instance to be defended using false news, conspiracy theories and, of course, organized violence. In the second, we clarify the functioning of the liber-fascist unconscious by analyzing the peculiarity of its fantasy: it is an ideology that, in its relationship with others, uses violence no longer as a simple means, but as a vehicle for jouissance. (shrink)

This is a translation of an essay by Alain Caillé originally published in French in La Revue du MAUSS. It addresses the topical issue of the global rise of the far right and examines its relation to traditional totalitarianism and democracy. It discovers paradoxes in the recent political history: the movement is a neoliberal reaction to neoliberalism. Instead of empowering progressive political appeal, economic conditions have driven people into the embrace of ‘tyrannical buffoons’ who promise the intensification of neoliberal (...) reform. This leads to an ‘inverted totalitarianism’ or ‘parcellitarianism’. (shrink)

The Vlaams Blok is one of the most successful of the extreme right-wing parties in Europe. The growth of the party was partly due to its populist rhetoric on race and security, and its anti-establishment rhetoric.Indeed, over the years, the party has prioritized the immigration issue, which has yielded electoral rewards, and sidelined the Flemish question.Further, the Vlaams Blok has filtered, softened and rewritten strongly-worded ideological texts in order to broaden its electoral appeal, and consolidate its gains.The recent (...) transformation of the Vlaams Blok into Vlaams Belang may be seen as a further step in the party’s attempt to become a right-conservative people’s party.It is another indication of an attempt to get away from the party’s image as being on the extreme of the right wing and the historical legacy of collaboration, and radical Flemish nationalism. (shrink)

This article analyses the online communication of the Estonian extreme right that appears to be characterized by an echo-chamber effect as well as enclosed and hermetic meaning-making. The discussion mainly relies on the theoretical frameworks offered by semiotics of culture.One of the aims of the article is to widen the scope of understanding of autocommunicative processes that are usually related to learning, insight and innovation. The article shows the conditions in which autocommunicative processes result in closed interactions, based (...) on reproducing stereotypes and redundant content. We detect antithetical meaning-making, an orientation towards normative (“correct”) texts and the prevalence of phatic communication as the main dominants that guide closed autocommunication. Such communication leads to polarization of dissimilar views and hinders dialogue. Our case study focuses on the discussion that arose in the context of the European Refugee Crisis that started in spring 2015. (shrink)

This study examines the mobilization of the Far Right in Korea and Japan in the 2000s and probes how and why the actors and political claims of East Asian extremists differ from their counterparts in Europe and North America. The Far Right forces in Korea and Japan are politically regressive in glorifying the authoritarian or colonial past and cling to unchanging ideological claims from the postwar decades in their current targeting of old-time, internal “others.” This divergence is explained (...) by the United States–led Cold War geopolitics in Asia, under which Far Right elites were fortified in postwar Japan and Korea. The Cold War that has not ended in Asia as opposed to Europe or North America further allows the institutional sustainability of the radical Right and the political resonance of its old ideology of anticommunism and colonial racism. As such, democratic politics in East Asia is predicated on Cold War undercurrents. (shrink)

Support for the extreme right in Britain has been relatively low in Britain in recent years and has not shown the surge apparent in a number of other European countries. The paper uses data from the 1979 British Election survey to examine the characteristics of care and peripheral National Front supporters at the time of their last surge in support, and then goes on to consider why support has remained low in recent years. The 1979 evidence shows that (...) support for the National Front was strongly linked to racist attitudes but in other respects had a 'protest' character. It is suggested that the subsequent weakness of the extreme right in Britain may be due to its single-issue character and to the availability of more attractive alternatives for protest voters such as the Liberal Party. (shrink)

The position of the extreme right within the Italian political system has been modified since 1993. A larger political space became available to the rightwing parties when some of the pillars of the "First Republic" governmental coalitions collapsed. The most representative party of this area, the MSI, is experiencing an ideological and organizational change which started by the assumption of the new label "Alleanza Nazionale". In this article we try to explain why the shape and logic of the (...) clientelistic and partitocratie Italian system can be hold responsible for the success of the MSI and to discuss some organizational, ideological and political aspects of its change into the AN. We also analyze the chances of success for the movements of the populist Radical Right, whose strategy is mainly related to the emergence of the immigration cleavage, in a country were the dissatisfaction for the working of democracy is still widespread. (shrink)

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements: racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and groups. An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it (...) adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well. (shrink)

There is a well-know phenomenon of extreme-right parties gaining support in many countries across Europe. An important question still outstanding is to what extent and of what kind is the socio-economic context a factor in this trend.The SIREN project - Jörg Flecker, Hans De Witte, Gudrun Hentges, Patrizia Catellani, Yves De Weerdt, Patrizia Milesi - has accordingly sought to analyse the perception of social and economic changes in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, and Switzerland.Presented here is (...) a general summary of the Europe-wide project, which involved a literature review, qualitative interviews, a quantitative survey and an analysis of policy implications and dissemination activities. (shrink)

(1996). Europe's identity crisis: A new opportunity for the extreme right? The European Legacy: Vol. 1, Fourth International Conference of the International Society for the study of European Ideas, pp. 509-514.

Journal Name: Semiotica Issue: Ahead of print.

This research explores the spread of unreliable information on Facebook during the 2017 French presidential campaign. By analyzing information-sharing behavior on 252 Facebook pages, our study highlights the wide variety of information sources shared by several political communities, notably news published by partisan websites or activist blogs. Our results demonstrate that political parties – particularly, those on the extreme ends of the political spectrum – tend to re-share a large amount of information reflecting the same ideological positions as their (...) own. This trend is amplified by a phenomenon of endo-citation, that is, a “circular circulation” of information between Facebook pages within the same political community. Our results focus on the information practices of the far-right, tracing a clear over-representation of sources that are unreliable or likely to relay disinformation. We argue that this circular transmission of information creates an “unreliable information bubble” that characterizes far-right information-sharing behavior. (shrink)

During the last decades there has been an upsurge in research on xenophobic populist parties, mirroring their political successes. In the Swedish context, characterised by neoliberal restructuring, issues of ‘race’, citizenship and belonging have been important elements of the public debate. These issues have unfolded in parallel with the presence of a neo-Nazi social movement and the emergence of two new parliamentary parties in which cultural racism has been central. Research has especially focused on the xenophobic content and how to (...) relate these parties to the wider research on party politics in western liberal democracies. While there have been some studies focusing on gendered differences in voting and activism highlighting the peripheral role of women, there are still very few studies analysing the worldview of women active in these parties, and the role of gender as metaphor, identity and policy within these parties. Inspired by feminist, postcolonial and Marxist research, the authors of this article are interested in analysing the worldview of women activists. The material is composed of 20 in-depth interviews with female Sweden Democrat politicians complemented by party texts and participant observation. The aim of the article is to explore how women within a Swedish version of these parties, the Sweden Democrats, name and reflect upon their experiences, especially focusing on how a care rhetoric is used in their narratives. These women have chosen to represent a racist party. What inspires them? What visions of gender evolve from their worldview? (shrink)

Populism needs to be differentiated from two other movements:the right-wing populism of Conservatism;the populism of right-wing extremism. Right-wing populism values institutional rules far less than Conservatism and is opposed to intermediary institutions that seem to disturb the relationship between people and leadership. The problem of this neat demarcation seems to be that the recent neo-conservatism against the rise of populism is taking on some aspects of populism to stop the decline of the Conservative party. For quite a (...) few observers it seemed euphemistic to call the AfD right-wing populist and thereby downplay its tendencies. One problem of such classifications seems to be the differentiation of the party system. The following list applies to the differences between the two movements (Table 4.1). (shrink)

In this paper I extend orthodox just-war terrorism theory to the phenomenon of extremist violence on behalf of nonhuman animals.I argue that most documented cases of so-called animal rights extremism do not quality as terrorism.

It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of (...) right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely. (shrink)

On 6 April 1967, at the invitation of the Socialist Students of Austria at the University of Vienna, Theodor W. Adorno gave a lecture which is not merely of historical interest. Against the background of the rise of the National Democratic Party of Germany, which had enjoyed remarkable electoral success in the first two years after its formation in November 1964, Adorno analysed the goals, resources and tactics of the new right-wing nationalism of this time. Contrasting it with the (...) ‘old’ fascism of the Nazis, Adorno gave particular attention to the ways in which far-right movements elicited enthusiastic support in sections of the West German population, 20 years after the war had ended. Much has changed since then, but some elements have remained the same or resurfaced in new forms, 50 years later. Adorno’s penetrating analysis of the sources of right-wing radicalism is as relevant today as it was five decades ago. It is a prescient message to future generations who find themselves embroiled once again in a struggle against a resurgent nationalism and right-wing extremism. (shrink)

Due to the persistent rise of extremism, democrats in recent years have been exploring old and new possibilities of democratic self-defence. This article explores an unconventional and little known alternative to militant democracy that places the demos at the centre stage of the struggle against extremism. Through a neo-procedural reinterpretation of ancient ostracism and modern-day recall, I suggest that citizens should have rights of democratic de-selection of elected parties and candidates. I argue that, if properly designed, such a mechanism of (...) de-presentation distributes the burden of democratic self-defence among citizens and creates a bottom-up majoritarian resistance to anti-democratic threats, without compromising free parliamentary mandate or minority rights. (shrink)

The Child Abuse Amendments of 1984 established the norms for treating disabled newborns, but they did not address the treatment of premature babies. Parents and physicians need a framework for decisionmaking. A decision handed down recently by the Texas Supreme Court is a step forward.

This paper has described three uses of Extreme Case formulationsto assert the strongest case in anticipation of non-sympathetic hearingsto propose the cause of a phenomenonto speak for the rightness (wrongness) of a practice.The interactants in the illustrations were engaged in several types of activities, among which were complaining, accusing, justifying, and defending. As concluding remarks, a few comments will be made about why participants use Extreme Case formulations in these activities.Part of the business of complaining involves portraying a (...) situation as a legitimate complainable. This may take the form of protraying the offense committed and/or the suffering endured in a way such that it would not be dismissed as minor. So as to legitimize a complaint and portray the complainable situation as worthy of the complaint, a speaker may portray the offense and/or the suffering with Extreme Case formulations. In both accusing and defending, participants ofyen present their strongest cases, including specifying Extreme Cases of their claims.Part of justifying a course of actions may involve portraying the precipitating circumstance as necessitating the action. The precipitating circumstance may be a problem circumstance which is portrayed as unfair, immoral, embarrassing, uncomfortable, or in some other way undesirable and/or intolerable. There is a shared assumption that the worse the problem, the more necessary it is to do something about it. In justifying, speakers use Extreme Case formulations to portray the circumstances that precipitated their actions as demanding their actions.A problem that participants have when engaged in, or reflecting on, conflicts, complaints, criticism, compliments, praise, etc. is to attribute the cause of the phenomenon. Who or what is responsible for the conflictual, complainable, praise-worthy state of affairs? One method that is used to determine what or who is responsible, i.e. to make an attribution, involves comparing the case in question to other similar cases. Through this procedure, persons determine that they are (are not) responsible for the state of affairsin questions. Extreme Case proportional formulations (‘everyone,’ ‘all,’ ‘every time’) are used to indicate that any individual member of that category is not responsible for the state of affairs; that responsibility is to be attributed elsewhere.The social order essentially is a moral order (Garfinkel, 1967). One of the ways of knowing what is acceptable and right is by finding out how people behave. There often is a shared assumption operating (one that is called into question on occasion): how people behave tells us what is the right way to behave. Proportional measures reporting the frequency or prevalence of practices are used to propose and substantiate the rightness and wrongness of those practices. Extreme Case formulations (‘all the time,’ ‘everybody,’ ‘no one’) propose behaviors are acceptable and right or unacceptable and wrong. (shrink)

The religious beliefs of the creators of Pakistan and their ideology of an Islamic nation were completely different to how this country is right now. This study is designed to help understand the concept of extremism and religious intolerance one of the most sensitive issues to the security of Pakistan. Unfortunately this extremism has destroyed the global image of not only Pakistan but all the Muslims around the world. This paper tells about the genesis and the origin of extremism, (...) different effects of extremism and in the end it also gives measures to improve the current situation of the country. (shrink)

Extremely harsh treatment (for example, unanesthetized tooth, branding with a hot iron, violent shaking, repeated beatings, and car-battery shocks to the genitalia) is often considered unjust. On different accounts, extremely harsh treatment fails to respect persons because it infringes on an absolute right, fails to respect a person’s dignity, constitutes cruel or inhumane treatment, violates rules that rational persons would choose under fair and equal choosing conditions, or results in a person losing his agency to another. Others respond that (...) in some cases extremely harsh treatment is just because some individuals forfeit their moral rights against extremely harsh treatment or because it is the fair way to distribute a danger that was created by the person to be so treated. In this paper, I develop an argument that is designed to sidestep these criticisms. (shrink)

When and why do states define and prosecute harmful conduct as criminal, and when as war or terror? What political and instrumental considerations inform these choices, how and why do they change over time, and with what outcomes? The pressure to avert future atrocities not only informs preventive laws and measures but also impels states to identify and tackle extremist ideologies “further up the field.” There is no internationally agreed legal definition of extremism. Whereas most countries target “violent extremism,” violence (...) is not a requirement of the UK non-statutory definition, which targets ideology over conduct. Eluding law, extremism is not prosecuted through courts or military tribunals but pursued in communities and public institutions. This exploration of the UK’s struggle to define and tackle the growing threat posed by extremism reveals difficult legal and political challenges, as well as costs for democratic participation and rights. (shrink)

We owe young people special moral consideration in virtue of their developmental immaturity: we must not foreclose their futures by impeding the development of capacities they need for autonomous agency. I argue that providing children with extreme cognitive assistance—help that is ubiquitously available, very domain-general, and largely substitutive of their own cognitive effort—violates this obligation. When children routinely rely on such assistance, they systematically fail to exercise core regulatory skills (inhibitory control, working memory, cognitive flexibility, and planning), and capacities (...) that go unexercised predictably fail to develop normally. This matters urgently: building artificial systems capable of providing exactly this kind of assistance to children is the explicit, stated goal of the world's largest technology companies, who are investing hundreds of billions of dollars toward achieving this aim. Worse, they may already have succeeded: cognitive assistance need not be maximally substitutive, available, and domain-general to impede development. I conclude by considering whether compensating demand for cognitive exercise might arise elsewhere and argue that the prospects are dim. (shrink)

This article addresses the Conings case – a Belgian soldier, currently wanted for threatening Belgium’s top virologist Marc Van Ranst and the illegal possession of weapons in a terrorist context. It moreover argues for a more situated analysis of Belgium’s far-right extremism by looking at its complex political climate.

Political extremism (and particularly right wing political extremism) remains relatively insufficiently explored due to the fact that the phenomenon is controversial and hard to define. Its ambiguity and variability depending on time and spatial point of view further complicates its definition. Its structure is amorphous and eclectic as it often includes elements from different ideologies and connects incompatible ideas. A multidimensional conceptualization and an interdisciplinary approach - sociological, social, psychological and historical, are the Author’s tools in explaining the phenomenon (...) of political extremism in Serbia, hopefully contributing to its clarification and laying a foundation for its further explanatory theoretical studies. (shrink)

This article develops a theory of ‘ambient extremism’. Where extremist digital forms and styles once circulated on fringe subcultures before entering the mainstream, the distinction between the extreme and the mainstream has collapsed, suffusing political and affective atmospheres with extremism. I show how reactionary performances of pre-emption, or the anticipatory naming of emergent but pervasive threats, settle into ideological formations, nurturing an affect of indignation and precipitating a rhetoric of defiance. Drawing on a case study of an anonymous X (...) account that adopted anti-Islamic racism as a successful engagement strategy during the 2024 UK far-right riots, often by relying on AI-generated imagery, I argue that ideological performances accumulate in a ‘reactionary reservoir’ that absorbs viral trends alongside timeworn tropes, offering both the novel and the historical up as timely interventions against ostensible liberal overreach. Ambient extremism displaces deliberation over meaning with affective attunements to resonant performances structured by platform architectures. (shrink)

The maritime distress of migrants on the high seas and the anthropogenic climate change represent two of the most significant humanitarian and political challenges of our time. Referring to the Radbruch formula, this paper examines the question of whether state and supranational failure to act on these two complex problems can be classified as extreme injustice from a legal ethical perspective, and what minimum ethical requirements this would imply for states and communities of states. A plea is made for (...) the development and use of corresponding analyses and discourses as normative guidance - doing applied legal philosophy, not only for migrant and climate protection politics, but also for law makers and public discourse. (shrink)

The ancient Greek philosopher and teacher Aristotle was the founder of the Lyceum, a school in Athens dedicated to the study of nature and philosophical inquiry for over a hundred years. In opposition to his own teacher, Plato, Aristotle developed a metaphysical and ethical theory based on the view that human beings are embodied creatures, not merely thinking things. In doing so, he clarified and expanded the concept of virtue, developing a theory of virtue that has impacted how we think (...) about mental states, states of wellbeing, and states of moral character. In Book II of his Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle explains how we learn good (or bad) habits through experience, education, and training. Pleasure and pain provide starting points for us, because they help orient us toward the good, but eventually our primary motivation should be to do good because it is good. Excellent habits are those that cause us to react in neither excessive nor deficient ways to the things around us. Once we have the right motivation to do good because it is good, and once our habitual righteous action exemplifies our stable character, we are virtuous and thriving people. (shrink)

Extreme formalism is a radical and important position in the aesthetics of inorganic nature. Zangwill offers a new formulation of what formal aesthetic properties are, according to which a formal aesthetic property of a thing is an aesthetic property that is determined merely by its appearance properties. An appearance property of a thing is the way it seems if perceived under certain conditions. With the notion of formal aesthetic properties formulated as such, extreme formalism, the claim that all (...) aesthetic properties of inorganic things are formal, says that all aesthetic properties of inorganic things are determined merely by their appearance properties. Recently, Zangwill defends extreme formalism by deflecting the famous counter-example of the cumulonimbus cloud given by Budd, and argues for extreme formalism by arguing against the idea of the existence of non-formal beauty in inorganic nature. In this paper, we argue that both his defense and positive arguments are not successful. If our arguments are right, the burden of proof is still on Zangwill’s side. (shrink)

This article critically examines the proposed use of the psychiatric distinction between delusions and extreme overvalued beliefs as a tool for distinguishing criminal insanity from (mere) violent extremism. The analysis contrasts this distinction with a wholly normative one that we designed to better fulfill the same purpose. This normative distinction, based on concepts from John Rawls’ political philosophy, highlights and depends upon a host of political considerations relevant to the ideals of the criminal justice system and the rights and (...) freedoms fundamental to the political systems in which it is situated. These considerations challenge the psychiatric distinction between delusions and extreme overvalued beliefs, suggesting that criminal responsibility cannot be adequately explained or justified by psychiatric factors alone. The article further explores the case of criminal accountability for psychopaths and concludes that neither the psychiatric diagnosis of psychopathy nor the empirical findings that one may lack the capacity for empathy is determinative in such cases. Evaluations of criminal responsibility involve a host of other moral and political considerations, and the weight one gives to those considerations ultimately provides the basis for a legitimate determination of responsibility within the criminal law. (shrink)

Misinformation can be a direct cause of radicalization due to its tendency to trigger strong emotions. Aggressive messages that arouse anxiety can be highly persuasive—messages that point to a threat, particularly one that is sensitive and socially hot, create a cognitive drive for more content about that threat and generate support for responsive action. This chapter critically examined the role that social media algorithms play in recommending extreme content. TikTok’s role in fostering radicalized content was examined by tracing how (...) users become radicalized on TikTok and how its recommendation algorithms drive this radicalization. It identified the social, technological, and psychological factors that contribute to the radicalization of ideological biases on social media and proposed a conceptual lens through which to analyze and predict such radicalization. The results revealed that the pathways by which users access far-right content are manifold and that a large part of this can be ascribed to platform recommendations through a positive feedback loop. The results are consistent with the proposition that the generation and adoption of extreme content on TikTok largely reflect the user’s input and interaction with a platform. It is argued that some features of misinformation are likely to promote radicalization among users. It concludes how trends in artificial intelligence (AI)-based content systems are forged by an intricate combination of user interactions, platform intentions, and the interplay dynamics of a broader AI ecosystem. (shrink)

This book explores men's attraction to violent extremist movements and terrorism. -/- Drawing on multi-method, interdisciplinary research, this book explores the centrality of masculinity to violent extremist recruitment narratives across the religious and political spectrum. Chapters examine the intersection of masculinity and violent extremism across a spectrum of movements including: the far right, Islamist organizations, male supremacist groups, and the far left. The book identifies key sites and points at which the construction of masculinity intersects with, stands in contrast (...) to and challenges extremist representations of masculinity. It offers an insight into where the potential appeal of extremist narratives can be challenged most effectively and identifies areas for both policy making and future research. (shrink)

1. IntroductionIn February 2019, the film Black Panther was awarded three Oscars in Los Angeles. Some reviewers embraced it for its anti-racist message against the resurgence of racism under U.S. president Donald Trump.1 It tells the story of a black hero who tries to steer the development of an ethnically pure, isolationist hereditary monarchy in Africa. The imaginary state of Wakanda, which presents itself to the rest of the world as a third-world country, has highly developed technologies at its disposal–at (...) the same time, one recalls archaic African myths there.2. (shrink)

At a critical time when divisive and extremist narratives are feeding new wars, inter-community and inter-personal conflicts, Gavrielides' new monograph challenges the current model for preventing and controlling violent radicalisation and extremism while it opens new possibilities through a positive, scientific approach. Gavrielides taps into the combined strengths of restorative justice, positive criminology and positive psychology to articulate and pilot a new model for prevention and control of the acts and behaviours that lead to violence and suffering. The book combines (...) philosophy, normative analysis and primary data collected through six pilot projects that were carried out in several countries from 2017. It presents the results of these pilots and normative thinking through critical analysis leading to practical tools for preventing and controlling harm particularly violent radicalised acts and extremist behaviours and worldviews. This book speaks to researchers, policymakers, practitioners, and human rights campaigners from around the world looking for a new approach that can better serve harmed parties, their families, and communities. -/- “Addressing Violent Radicalisation and Extremism: A Restorative Justice, Psychosocial Approach offers a refreshing and holistic perspective on one of the most pressing global issues today—violent extremism. By integrating restorative justice principles with a psychosocial approach, the book moves beyond punitive measures and focuses on healing, rehabilitation, and the reintegration of individuals into society. Theo Gavrielides explores the complex roots of radicalization, paying close attention to factors that contribute to extremist ideologies. This approach is particularly valuable in its ability to connect theory to practice, offering practical information for students and professionals working in the fields of justice, counter-terrorism, and community building. The discussions, case studies, and examples help ground the theory in real-world applications, making it a useful resource for both academics and practitioners. Overall, this book is a thought-provoking and important contribution to the discourse on counter-extremism, proposing a path that emphasizes empathy, accountability, and long-term peace-building over retribution.” ​ Professor Clarence Augustus Martin, J.D., Ph.D. (Chair Department of Criminal Justice Administration, California State University, USA). (shrink)

This paper seeks to clarify the elements of extremism inherent in both neoliberalism and totalitarianism in order to identify the factors that shape and characterize the extreme right groups that are expanding their influence in the world today. It is easy to see the two in opposition because neoliberalism emerged as the counter-ideology to totalitarianism, but this opposition, by empowering the neoliberal meaning of freedom, blurs the meaning of politic al freedom based on equality and blinds us to (...) the destructive effects and anti-political impli cations of competition. Drawing on Hannah Arendt's analysis of the elements of totalitarian ism, this paper reveals the key elements of extremism inherent in both ideological systems: the anti-democratic and genocidal tendency to distinguish between enemies and allies within the people and to expel enemies from the community. These elements are manifested in the principle of competition in the neoliberal system and the principle of production of superflu ous beings in the totalitarian system, both of which share a social evolutionary theory and affect the public and private spheres, undermining not only democratic institutions but also the democratic capacity of the people. (shrink)

In this chapter, I examine the grounds of the right of children to be free from extreme poverty, the content of this right, and who the duty-bearers are. In particular, I argue that the socioeconomic right of children to freedom from severe poverty: is grounded in the specific perfect moral duty of right to protect children from extreme poverty ; consists of the right to claim the omission of any act that restricts children’s (...) freedom from extreme poverty ; as well as the right to claim the performing of acts that guarantee children’s freedom from extreme poverty ; and is based on a duty which is not of all others, but of specific others, e.g. the relatives or/and the friends of the child, the local authorities, states, and organizations. In addition, I respond to three possible objections against the proposed philosophical foundation. Within this context, I first point out the moral priority of duties over rights; second, I explain why the socioeconomic right of children to be free from extreme poverty is not a human right; and, third, I explain the reasons why Kant is not a moral constructivist. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The use of social media by extreme right groups and the self-proclaimed formation of the ‘alt-right’ in recent years have been linked to the rise in US white nationalism. Against a backdrop of widespread concern regarding the growing nature of the ‘alt-right’ phenomenon, this article responds to the pressing need to understand its appeal. Specifically, we examine the discursive means by which a hitherto unexamined US ‘alt-right’ group, the Traditionalist Worker Party, constructs its group (...) identity and ideology online. Corpus assisted discourse analysis of this group’s blog reveals that the Traditionalist Worker Party regularly mobilises five discourses in order to assert subject positions of victimhood for its members, alongside recurrent use of explicit out-grouping strategies. The out-groups are blamed for a general malaise – an uncertain, chaotic reality that can and must be changed through affiliation with the Traditionalist Worker Party. The study also shows that the Traditionalist Worker Party constructs itself a highly entitative group as a means to enhancing its recruitment appeal. (shrink)

Authorial and artistic declarations would seem to be a boon to interpreters who favor actual intentionalism. However, because they believe there are limits on the power of authors and artists to embody their intentions in their works, moderate actual intentionalists hold that some intentions are irrelevant. Looking closely at authorial declaration about the sexuality of Albus Dumbledore in the Harry Potter novels, I argue in favor of the extreme actual intentionalist position that genuine authorial declarations should not be ignored (...) because authorial intention always determines meaning. The answer to the question in the subtitle is that we do not know with certainty, even though there is a definite right answer. We can argue for the answer we think is most likely, however. And aided by the distinction between meaning and significance, extreme actual intentionalism provides a clear and consistent way of making such arguments while avoiding the problem of being stuck with an interpretation we find aesthetically displeasing. (shrink)