This study examines the emergence of new forms of belief in today’s digital age, based on the historical roots of deist thought. Deism, particularly during the Enlightenment, developed a rational conception of God grounded in reason and natural laws, emphasizing individual freedom of belief against the dogmatic structures and intermediary institutions of traditional religion. This approach underscored the direct relationship between God and the individual, embracing the idea that the sacred can be understood through reason and the natural order (...) of the universe, and thus adopted personal autonomy and rationality as core principles of religious experience. Consequently, a significant paradigm shift occurred in the realm of personal belief.Today, technologies rapidly disseminated through artificial intelligence, big data algorithms, social media platforms, and digital networks are radically transforming religious practices and the concept of the sacred. The concept of “networked religion,” which has emerged on digital platforms, stretches the fixed, centralized, and hierarchical structure of sacredness, enabling the rise of a new understanding of the sacred that is collective, interactive, and multi-layered. This concept, pioneered by Heidi A. Campbell, serves as an important theoretical tool for understanding the complex nature of religious practices and perceptions of the sacred in the digital age. Digital sacredness transcends the boundaries of traditional religious authorities and represents an ever-evolving process in which the experience of faith is dynamically reshaped through networks and algorithms.Digitalization is not merely a technological advancement; it also triggers profound ontological, epistemological, and theological transformations in the fields of philosophy of religion, theology, and sociology. Ontologically, concepts of reality and being are reconsidered within the multilayered and mutable nature of digital space; epistemologically, the processes of acquiring, verifying, and sharing knowledge diversify through new tools offered by digital technologies. Theologically, concepts of God, sacredness, and religious authority are reinterpreted within the context of individual belief experiences and collective digital networks, supported by algorithmic mediation. This dynamic structure lays the groundwork for the expansion and transformation of traditional religious authorities, causing fundamental changes in the social and individual functions of religion.The article also addresses the emerging concept of “digital deism” in the digital age. Digital deism represents a new belief model that blends the classical deist emphasis on individual and rational belief with personalized data analytics and algorithmic guidance offered by digital technologies. In this model, the conception of God is reshaped to include not only the rational order of the universe but also the flexible and dynamic structure of digital networks. Individual faith experiences are enriched through data-driven guidance and community-based interactions. While maintaining individual freedom and rationality, digital deism offers a more inclusive and pluralistic belief model through the collective connectivity and adaptive interactions facilitated by digital environments. In the digital age, religion has moved beyond being solely an inner personal experience and has become a collective social practice within the interactive and participatory platforms of social media. In this environment, belief is nourished through constant interaction and communication among individuals.The understanding of the sacred has acquired a more multidimensional, flexible, pluralistic, and continually evolving character. Digital deism, by integrating individual rationality and freedom with network-based collective interaction, holds the potential to form new syntheses of contemporary beliefs. (shrink)

In eighteenth century England, there were thinkers who said they were Christian deists and claimed pure, original Christianity was deism. Most scholars do not believe these thinkers were sincere about their religious beliefs, but there are many good reasons to believe they were. Three English deists have the best claim to be considered Christian deists because they alone called themselves Christian deists or called their ideas those of a Christian deist. These three thinkers, Matthew Tindal, Thomas Morgan, and Thomas (...) Amory, developed a theology in which Christianity was deism and natural religion. The important point, though, was that their version of natural religion included supernatural elements as well as true religious piety. When read closely, these three thinkers believed in miracles, revelation, prayer, and continuing direct divine inspiration. The Christian deists were neither conventional deists nor traditional Christians. Nevertheless, it is not legitimate to exclude them from either category as some scholars do. They cannot be excluded from the category of ‘Christian’ on the basis their contemporaries all saw them as non-Christian. They also cannot be excluded from the category of ‘deists’ because they were pious and believed in an active God. (shrink)

It is often claimed that belief in God is based on faith, while non-belief is grounded in rationality. This claim is inaccurate. Moral philosopher Carlo Alvaro takes the reader through his philosophical journey—a journey taken with the absolute absence of faith. Through reasoning alone, and with an objective assessment of the classical theistic arguments, Deism takes the reader from disbelief to a particular version of deism. Deism discusses such arguments as the Kalam Cosmological, the asymmetry against the (...) evil-god challenge, the anthropic principle, and the moral. Such arguments lead to the undeniable conclusion that there exists a timeless, space-less, wholly good, and infinitely powerful being endowed with freedom of the will, who brought the universe into existence a finite time ago. An objective appraisal of such arguments leads to the conclusions that atheism is an irrational philosophical position, that God does not interact with humans, at least not during our physical existence on earth, and that God is the best explanation of the objectivity of moral value and duty. (shrink)

The aim of my paper is to clarify the conceptions of epistemic deism and probabilistic theism and to demonstrate that the two doctrines do not finally collapse into one. I would like also to point some reasons for the acceptance of a certain version of probabilistic theism which I will call in the last part of the article “open probabilistic theism”. Open probabilistic theism is not a version of the view called “open theism”. The reasons for the openness of (...) open probabilistic theism are quite different from the reasons supporting open theism. (shrink)

This article encourages a reconsideration of Christian sociology. It explains how deism makes a decisive impact in the theoretical foundations of the discipline. Dutch neocalvinistic philosophy in its North American immigrant setting after World War II issued a challenge which drew attention to the dogmas of deism implicit in sociology, but this challenge has not been met. Christian sociology, however, still retains its God-given vocation to find ways to encourage people everywhere to positively form complex differentiated social settings (...) in the Spirit of the Suffering and Glorified Messiah. (shrink)

In 2013 I wrote a paper entitled “A Deistic Discussion of Murphy and Tracy’s Accounts of God’s Limited Activity in the Natural World,” in which I criticized the views of Nancey Murphy and Thomas Tracy, labeling their views as something that I called “epistemic deism.” Since the publication of that paper another, similar, view by Bradley Monton was brought to my attention, one called “noninterventionist special divine action theory.” I take this paper as an opportunity to accomplish several goals. (...) First, I take it as an opportunity to clarify and correct some of my previous claims. Secondly, I present and analyze Monton’s view. And, finally, I discuss the similarities that Monton’s view holds with those of Murphy’s and Tracy’s and discuss how they all can be reduced to being part of the same family of ontological views which are, ultimately, implausible. (shrink)

Voltaire’s creativity ismultifaceted, covering the problems of philosophical knowledge, the assertion of a deistic worldview, the implementation of the principles of human free will, a comprehensive critique of religion and the church, the beginning of the political concept of “educated absolutism.” The thinker became one of the greatest authorities of the French Enlightenment, being highly gifted, universally educated, owning the principles of critical thinking. The aimof this article is to determine the basic principles of the philosophical principle of deism (...) in Voltaire’s creativity and its influence on the formation of the philosophical-historical concept. The tasks of this article are perform an analysis the formation of the deistic worldview of the French thinker, the influences of the philosophy of sensualism and rationalism on the formation of the general foundations of social philosophy of the enlightener. Research methods are principles of unity of historical and logical, dialectical unity of analysis and synthesis, convergence from abstract to concrete, principles of objectivity and systematization. Research results: philosophical worldview of the XVII ‒ early XVIII centuries. had a one-sided character: on the one hand ‒ the philosophy of empiricism, based on knowledge of scientific facts using experimental methods of scientific research, and on the other ‒ rationalist philosophy, which took as primary the original theoretical generalizations. The integral system of philosophical knowledge in the first half of the eighteenth century was absent. Conclusion. The deistic foundations of Voltaire’s philosophical worldview determine not only the ontological and epistemological aspects, but undoubtedly forming the general principles of his philosophy of history, which have an abstract, mostly narrative character. However, the possibilities of a deistic worldview direct the thinker to search for an objective pattern of development of historical knowledge. They usually have a general theoretical value, as well as their practical implementation. (shrink)

Lemay has brought together nine essays in honor of Alfred Owen Aldridge, a scholar of eighteenth-century English and American literature with a special expertise in the history of ideas. The articles contained in the volume are intended to complement as well as compliment the work done by him in the areas of deism, masonry, and the Enlightenment. Professor Aldridge's contributions to scholarship in those fields include studies on Shaftesbury, Benjamin Franklin, Voltaire, Thomas Paine, and Jonathan Edwards.

Given recent scientific findings suggesting that our world is part of a multiverse, Leland Harper argues that we ought to abandon the idea of an active God in Judeo-Christian theism. This shift results in a more coherent, cohesive and, ultimately, better account of God than is currently offered by the Judeo-Christian monotheistic tradition.

This chapter argues that the relationship between Hobbes and English deism was closer than is usually appreciated. Hobbes and the subsequent deists had similar ideas on the relationship between politics and religion, a topic which was at the very centre of their projects. They all were motivated primarily by anticlericalism and were the leading figures in the early battle against priestcraft. This argument is presented in two parts. The first reviews the ways in which Charles Blount, John Toland, Matthew (...) Tindal, and Anthony Collins were indebted to Hobbes, each in his own distinct way. The second part argues that Hobbes’s theory contained some central elements that were, in fact, rather ‘enlightened’—the hope for natural reason being one main theme—thus bringing Hobbes’s project closer to that of subsequent deists. Deism, in this sense, was one possible highway to what may be seen as a _Hobbesian enlightenment_. (shrink)

Where religion is concerned, the best and most lasting contribution of America's founders was arguably more political than theological. They brought to fruition the idea of religious freedom. To be sure, this concept had already been articulated and underwent important developments prior to the eighteenth century.2 The Americans, however, began to make it a reality in the sphere of public life. This is nowhere more evident than in the Constitution of the United States and in the first article of the (...) Bill of Rights. Nevertheless, some of the founders had a great deal to say on theological topics, and it is this aspect of their thinking on which I focus in this paper. Some of the founders were orthodox Christians .. (shrink)

Thosewho still interest themselves in problems connected with God, Freedom, and Immortality are not accustomed to look to natural science for any light on these dark places. It is usually admitted that the scientific method operates with basic assumptions which are far from binding on philosophers, and which indeed have no very satisfactory metaphysical authority. In spite of a few protests by philosophers, scientific thinkers have on the whole felt entitled to neglect the philosophical consequences of their theories, and have (...) gone ahead in the investigation of nature by accepting only such hypotheses as explained the maximum number of known facts, irrespective of their possible results on other fields of work. When a strictly scientific theory is invested with philosophical importance, some form of materialism, however well disguised, usually results. (shrink)

Deism believes in a God who created the world in the beginning but does not intervene in it thereafter. It represents an unstable compromise between traditional theism and scientific determinism.

In the recent progressive reappraisals of the enlightenment by Jonathan Israel and Rainer Forst, Voltaire figures as almost a reactionary thinker, opposing the radical dimensions of the enlightenment pushing forwards secularisation, democratisation, and toleration. Part 1 examines Israel’s and Forst’s accounts of Voltaire, showing their striking proximity. Part 2 is divided into the three subheadings of (i) Voltaire’s deism, (ii) the pivotal subject of toleration, and (iii) the decisive question of what philosophical radicalism, in the direction of democratising reform, (...) involves. At issue in Israel’s and Forst’s claims that Voltaire’s deism represents a step backwards from Bayle’s and Spinoza’s more radical conceptions of reason and toleration, we will claim, is a shared, anachronistic failure to duly credit Voltaire’s deism’s distance from the revealed religions, and the radicalism of Voltaire’s anti-clericism. In the key claim of the paper, however, we will argue that the larger issue in Israel’s and Forst’s positioning of Voltaire as almost reactionary are a deeper set of assumptions about how we should assess philosophical texts which aim to act in the world, and (evoking Feuerbach) to change it (2, iii). Both Israel and Forst, despite the former’s extensive labours in contextualisation, read the texts of eighteenth century philosophers for their arguments alone, rather than as rhetorical and political acts and interventions which aimed to reach, entertain, and reform an expanding reading public through esprit, art, satire, and rhetoric, as well as by making argumentative contributions to the controversies of the day. (shrink)

India and its religion played an important role in the assault on Christian orthodoxy during the late Enlightenment. However, the late-seventeenth century transition from antiquarian apologetics to libertinism is harder to explain, and yet historically more crucial. This chapter maps this process with particular reference to the interpretation of the remarkable range of materials concerning Hinduism that appeared in the illustrated encyclopedia of world religions Cérémonies et coutumes de tots les peuples du monde. Its editor, Jean-Fréderic Bernard, went well beyond (...) the mere task of compilation and publication, and his interpretative choices, colored by a rationalist form of Deism, often departed from the differing agendas present in his sources. On the basis of considering these differences, this chapter seeks to elucidate how exactly the shift from comparative antiquarian apologetics to a comparative libertine anthropology of religion took place and analyzes its implications for the religious culture of the Enlightenment. (shrink)

To suggest that Daniel Dennett is a deist is to invite ridicule. Dennett is both an avowed atheist and defender of naturalism in philosophy. Yet if we pay heed to the entirety of Dennett’s claims a curious picture emerges. My suggestion is that Hegel and Marx represent the rival responses to what we might call the modern predicament: what is the nature of existence in a world which seems a mechanism? Dennett’s response to this question is Hegelian, and involves a (...) commitment to a religiosity which might surprise those otherwise receptive to his arguments. (shrink)

This paper examines the journey of Islamic philosophy in various schools to explore how it deals with the fundamental concepts of Islam within deistic circles. The fundamental concepts of Islam are unity of God, the prophethood, and the resurrection. This paper also takes a look at the position of religion in Islamic philosophy. It presents a distinction between theism and deism and then try to illustrate how classical Muslim philosophers work within deism and interpret Islamic ideas accordingly. We (...) will see a wide, historical survey of all Islamic schools of philosophy including the peripatetic, illuminative, and transcendental. Based on analytical and historical method, the paper proves that this philosophy possesses a foundation of deism with a slight opening toward theism. While focusing on primary sources, we also consider some secondary sources in Islamic philosophy. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to bring to light some of the factors that allowed the emergence of secularization, and to understand to what extent and in what ways these factors contributed to the formation of the main lines of Spinozism. I will first examine the issues of secularization, emphasizing the importance of the transformations in the status of the Hebrew language during the Renaissance. I will then analyze the role that the Tractatus theologico-politicus may have had in European (...) culture. Finally, I will clarify Spinoza’s relationship to deism and atheism, specifying the nature of the controversies related to his religious attitude. (shrink)

Deism, which is known for denying the belief in prophethood and the hereafter while accepting the existence of a deity who is understood through reason but does not interfere with the universe while, has gained increasing popularity especially in positive scientific circles in Europe with the Enlightenment period. The development of deism in Europe has been significantly influenced by the ideas of philosophers and scientists such as Descartes, Newton, Voltaire, David Hume, and Kant. Although there is no word (...) in Islamic terminology that corresponds with the meaning of deism, terms such as Dahriyya, Barāhima, ilhad and heresy have been used to refer to different types of denial, including deism and atheism. However, it can be said that “Dahriyyah” is closer to atheism in meaning, while “Barāhima” is used in a more specific sense to deny prophethood. The words “ilhad” and heresy are used to express any kind of denial that rejects the principles of Islam. Parallel to deism being a subject of interest in our country and around the world, there has been a significant increase in studies conducted both in favour and against it. In this article, the rational proofs mentioned by Māturīdī regarding the existence of the hereafter, which deism rejects, have been discussed. In particular, the evidence found in the exegesis of relevant verses of the Qur’ān in Kitab al-Ta’wilat have been subject to examination. Māturīdī has emphasized the importance of providing rational proof for those who do not believe in the Qur’ān, stating that they will not accept any evidence derived from it. Māturīdī, who researched the reasons why people deny the afterlife, explained that people’s attempt to understand everything by comparing them to their own abilities is an important reason for the denial of the afterlife. According to him, people deny the afterlife because they believe that the power to resurrect the dead is beyond their own abilities and assume that their power is not enough for such an act. If they had contemplated the creation of the heavens and the earth, they would have realised that Allāh’s power is different from the power of His creatures. Furthermore, Imam Māturīdī pointed out that it would be absurd and pointless for Allāh, the Creator of the universe, to have created it solely for the purpose of its destruction. He emphasised that there must be a purpose for its creation, and that this purpose indicates the existence of the afterlife, where the actions of the created beings will be accounted for. In addition, Māturīdī, who said “If the world was eternal, it would not be possible to repay the deeds done,” emphasised the necessity of distinguishing between virtuous and evil individuals and giving everyone the reward or punishment they deserve. He acknowledged that human beings live in this world as a test, and the true consequences of their actions will be revealed in the hereafter. (shrink)

This paper documents Dostoevsky’s exposure to, and encounter with, deism in Russian and European public discourses and encompasses the discovery of new sources to his novel The Adolescent (Podrostok). On the basis of hitherto unexplored primary source material, a pattern of indeterminacy is uncovered that characterizes Dostoevsky’s belief system, which extends to his literary works, to which the principle of indeterminacy can also be applied. An objective method of hermeneutics is employed to analyse the changing vision of the future (...) of humanity in The Adolescent and some shorter pieces of fiction published in Diary of a Writer in the 1870s, with which the author concludes that deism played a key role in the formation of Dostoevsky’s vision of Europe’s, Russia’s and humanity’s future. Concominantly, it reaffirms Dostoevsky’s interest in historiography reflected in his intention to discern “future results of present events” (Simonova-Khokhriakova 1990, p. 348). The paper contains some commentary on the persistency with which religious belief, limited to Russian Orthodox Christianity is attributed to Dostoevsky, despite alternative evidence, which is often ignored. It is proposed that the lack of determinacy which attaches to the “message” in Dostoevsky’s fictional oeuvre as well as his polemical articles is grounded not only in his desire to avoid censure and be published, but also in his own uncertainty about the possibility of finding “absolute results” in the movement of time; this mirrors the contemporary world of science, just coming into existence during Dostoevsky’s epoch in which old assumptions about eternity, immortality, and the existence of God were being challenged. The paper pays attention to Dostoevsky’s acquaintance with modern scientific thought that is reflected in the deliberations of his fictional characters. (shrink)

This chapter shows how English Christian evidentialists of the early eighteenth century utilized historically and empirically based arguments to refute the skeptical views of deists who rejected the divine origin of the Bible and denied the historicity of biblical miracles. The chapter describes the biblical criticism developed by Baruch Spinoza (which English deists of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries appropriated), and then describes how anti-deist Christian writers such as Charles Leslie and Nathaniel Lardner used historical evidence to defend the (...) historicity of Jesus’s resurrection and the gospel narratives. The chapter surveys the deists’ critique of biblical morality and English Christian evidentialists’ responses to that critique—especially their response to the skeptics’ claim that the ancient Israelites’ divinely ordered slaughter of the Canaanites was immoral. The chapter concludes with a study of Joseph Butler, whose Analogy of Religion became the most influential eighteenth-century work of anti-deist English Christian apologetics. (shrink)

This article goes into the intentions and motives behind De Veritate (1627), famous apologetic work by the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). De Veritate will be compared with two other seminal works written by Grotius, De iure belli ac pacis (1625) and the Annotationes in Novum Testamentum (1641-1650). The focus will be on one particular aspect that comes to the fore in all three works: the way Grotius reduced the Christian faith to a minimal religion by singling out (...) the essential tenets this faith had in common with other religions. The core of Grotius’s argumentation consists in the idea that believers and, in particular, civil authorities have to distinguish between a few essential religious tenets that could be made rationally acceptable, and a set of supernatural dogmas, derived from divine revelation, that did not pass a certain, albeit very high degree of probability. As far as the second category was concerned, civil tolerance was called for. As becomes clear from contemporary correspondences, Grotius did not develop these rather controversial ideas in an intellectual vacuum. During his exile in Paris, he fostered contacts with members of the circle that formed around the French monk Marin Mersenne (1588-1648). This circle functioned as a kind of hothouse for the development of a minimal Christian creed. Members of this group saw promotion of a minimal creed as a solution to current religious controversies and the ensuing political turmoil and (civil) war, which were abhorred for their detrimental effects on the advancement of learning in the first place. On the other hand, it is also apparent that overt adherence to such an ideal was considered to be dangerous, because it would at least evoke the embarrassing and even repressive attention of the authorities in Church and government. An additional problem was that by defending such a religious stance, members of Mersenne’s circle laid themselves open to accusations of endorsing ‘rational beliefs’ like Socinianism, generally considered to be the worst heresy among all Christian denominations. (shrink)

This study offers students of religion and philosophy introductory chapters concerning the concept of natural religion. It holds that we can’t engage in useful discussion about the present concept of religion without a knowledge of the philosophical history that has shaped that concept. This is discussed with reference to the notion of natural religion to illustrate certain aspects of deism and its legacy. Originally published in 1989.