In this paper we examine interactions of the reciprocal with distributive and collective operators, which are encoded by prefixes on verbs expressing the reciprocal relation: namely, the Czech distributive po and the collectivizing na-. The theoretical import of this study is two-fold. First, it contributes to our knowledge of how word-internal operators interact with phrasal syntax/semantics. Second, the prefixes po and na generate (a range of) readings of reciprocal sentences for which the Strongest Meaning Hypothesis (SMH) proposed by Dalrymple et (...) al. (1998) does not make the right predictions. The distributive prefix po prefers the Strong Reciprocity reading, although the SMH predicts that a weakening should take place, while with the prefix na we find cases where weaker reciprocal readings are preferable to the stronger ones predicted by the SMH. This behavior of po and na is, we propose, due to the way in which they modulate two factors that are crucial in the interpretation of reciprocal sentences: (i) the relevant subpluralities in the group denoted by the reciprocal's antecedent, and (ii) the strength of reciprocal relations. We provide a detailed analysis of the semantics of the prefixes po and na and their contribution to the meaning of reciprocal sentences within the general framework of event semantics with lattice structures. (shrink)

© 2015 Macmillan Publishers Limited. All rights reserved.One of the primary goals of nuclear physics is to understand the force between nucleons, which is a necessary step for understanding the structure of nuclei and how nuclei interact with each other. Rutherford discovered the atomic nucleus in 1911, and the large body of knowledge about the nuclear force that has since been acquired was derived from studies made on nucleons or nuclei. Although antinuclei up to antihelium-4 have been discovered and their (...) masses measured, little is known directly about the nuclear force between antinucleons. Here, we study antiproton pair correlations among data collected by the STAR experiment at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider, where gold ions are collided with a centre-of-mass energy of 200 gigaelectronvolts per nucleon pair. Antiprotons are abundantly produced in such collisions, thus making it feasible to study details of the antiproton-antiproton interaction. By applying a technique similar to Hanbury Brown and Twiss intensity interferometry, we show that the force between two antiprotons is attractive. In addition, we report two key parameters that characterize the corresponding strong interaction: the scattering length and the effective range of the interaction. Our measured parameters are consistent within errors with the corresponding values for proton-proton interactions. Our results provide direct information on the interaction between two antiprotons, one of the simplest systems of antinucleons, and so are fundamental to understanding the structure of more-complex antinuclei and their properties. (shrink)

Contemporary theories of institutions as clusters of stable solutions to recurrent coordination problems can illuminate and explain some unresolved difficulties and problems adhering to institutional definitions of art initiated by George Dickie and Arthur Danto. Their account of what confers upon objects their institutional character does not fit well with current work on institutions and social ontology. The claim that “the artworld” confers the status of “art” onto objects remains utterly mysterious. The “artworld” is a generic notion that designates a (...) sphere of human activity that involves practices that create goals that have led to the emergence of formal and informal institutions. But those institutions, rather than magically “creating” objects subjected to esthetic appreciation, merely solve familiar and ubiquitous coordination problems created by artistic activity in ways other institutions in other areas solve similar and/or analogous coordination problems. (shrink)

Hayeks Konzept der spontanen Ordnung gilt weithin als eine seiner größten Leistungen in der Entwicklung des liberalen Denkens. Dieses Konzept spielte in seinem Werk eine herausragende Rolle: es diente zur Verteidigung des Ansatzes der unsichtbaren Hand gegen eine künstliche Ordnung, der Verteidigung der negativen Freiheit gegen die positive Freiheit und der Verteidigung einer begrenzten Rolle des Staates gegen einen paternalistischen Staat. In diesem Artikel wird gezeigt, dass Hayeks Konzept der spontanen Ordnung ein sehr wichtiges und nützliches Instrument in der Entwicklung (...) des liberalen Denkens war, indem es die Rolle eines auf Gemeinwohl gerichteten Staates einschränkte und die Bedeutung der Bedingung der positiven Freiheit verringerte. (shrink)

We conducted pre-registered replications of 15 effects in the field of judgment and decision making (JDM). We aimed to test the generalizability of different classical and modern JDM effects, including, among others: less-is- better, anchoring, and framing to different languages, cultures, or current situations (COVID-19 pandemic). Replicated studies were selected and conducted by undergraduate psychology students enrolled in a decision-making course. Two hundred and two adult volunteers completed an online battery of replicated studies. With a classical significance criterion (p <.05), (...) seven effects were successfully replicated (47%), five partially replicated (33%), and three did not replicate (20%). Even though research materials differed from the originals in several ways, the replication rate in our project is slightly above earlier reported findings in similar replication projects. We discuss factors that may underlie replication results (success vs. failure). We also stress the role of open science practices such as open data, open research materials, pre-registration, and registered reports in improving the replicability of results in the JDM field. (shrink)

Despite its status as the world’s leading school of economics during the second half of the nineteenth century, it is now generally accepted that within the contemporary mainstream, the GHSE has the ‘worst reputation’ of all the research programmes in the history of economic thought. This view has been largely shaped by Austrian School theorists. The Austrian School of Economics was originally founded on the basis of Carl Menger’s critiques of the supposed weaknesses and flaws of the German Historical School (...) of Economics: this chapter examines how criticisms of the fundamental principles of the—as expressed by ASE theorists—influenced the formation and development of the ASE’s own fundamental principles. In addition to disputes over methodological collectivism or methodological individualism, the deductive versus the inductive method, ethical values and state intervention and the nature of ‘knowledge,’ there were emotional issues: Menger—who was truly upset by the severe criticisms directed against him and his book by GHSE theorists and their labelling of him as an ‘Austrian’ economist—went from having a high opinion of the GHSE to having a low opinion of its theorists. (shrink)

Hayek is highly-regarded for his contributions to the development of liberal thought, particularly his work on individual freedom, economic freedom, ‘spontaneous’ order, and limited state action. He also defended dictatorial regimes, provided that they were committed to achieving the conditions of a ‘free’ market economy at the expense of unlimited democracy. This chapter examines Hayek’s rationale for supporting certain types of dictatorial regimes, based largely on the views expressed in an interview published in the Argentinean weekly magazine, SOMOS while on (...) a one-week visit to Argentina in 1977. At that time, ‘Dirty War’ Argentina was ruled by the administration of army commander General Jorge Rafael Videla. Hayek defined ‘the condition of freedom’ as ‘a state in which each can use his knowledge for his purposes’ so as to achieve individual goals free from intervention or coercion on the part of an external authority: ‘Coercion is evil precisely because it thus eliminates an individual as a thinking and valuing person and makes him a bare tool in the achievement of the ends of another.’ By defending the practice of relying on dictatorial regimes to achieve the conditions of a ‘free’ market economy, Hayek contradicted his own concept of freedom, which he defined as ‘absence of coercion. (shrink)

On Friendship – Cicero vs. John of Salisbury. On the topic of friendship, a clear filiation can be traced between Cicero and John of Salisbury. However, it is not a mere quotation, but an organic evolution of thought. For both philosophers, friendship appears as supporting social and political relations, thus making the existence of the commonwealth possible. Their views on the different characteristics of friendship are at the same time both shared and different, thus tracing a development of the concept.

Charity in John of Salisbury’s Policraticus. In the Policraticus, charity is used synonymously to wisdom. Charity accounts for the deeply social character of John of Salisbury’s political philosophy. Together with wisdom it rests at the core of the treatise, tying together all the subtopics into one cohesive system. Charity is essential for one to truly be a philosopher. In opposition to avarice, it involves the detachment from earthly goods and the manifested love towards one’s peers. In addition, it has a (...) regulatory function, being the origin of all virtues. (shrink)

In spite of his reputation as a defender of freedom, Hayek did not value human rights, claiming it to be a relatively recent concept derived from combining ‘the old civil rights’ with rights derived from Marxism. His conception of freedom is a minimal form of freedom, which serves as a very useful tool in promoting the superiority of the ‘free’ market economy. His concept of freedom includes economic freedom in the ‘free’ market (with negative freedom as components) while, at the (...) same time, excluding positive freedom and ignoring ethical and moral values. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that Hayek accepted the invitation to visit Chile during General Pinochet’s dictatorship—or that he claimed ‘personal freedom was much greater under Pinochet than it had been under Allende.’ In their efforts to preserve Hayek’s reputation by providing justifications for his decision, Bruce Caldwell and Leonidas Montes resort to providing incomplete information and concealing certain facts, while misrepresenting others. Furthermore, the discrepancies between the English and Spanish language versions of ‘Friedrich Hayek and His Visits to Chile’ (in terms of the information included and omitted) appear to have been strategic decisions based on the audiences being targeted—which suggests a deliberate and concerted effort to mislead their readers. They failed to fully enlighten their English- and Spanish-speaking readers about this ‘controversial episode’ in Hayek’s life. This chapter demonstrates that they were overzealous in their defense of Hayek: they present him almost as a naïve and saintly figure—in the face of persuasive evidence to the contrary. (shrink)

Von der Mitte des 19. bis zum Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts war die deutsche Historische Schule der Nationalökonomie die weltweit führende Schule des ökonomischen Denkens. Zu dieser Zeit waren Forschung und Lehre an deutschen Universitäten qualitativ so hochstehend, dass es zu einem drastischen Anstieg von Einschreibungen internationaler Hochschulabsolventen kam, die sich in Deutschland in den Wirtschaftswissenschaften fortbilden wollten. Die ausländischen Einschreibezahlen übertrafen hierbei sogar die von Großbritannien und Frankreich. Vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg war der Beitrag, den die Historische Schule zur (...) Entwicklung der Wirtschaftswissenschaften leistete, für alle in der Wirtschaftswissenschaft offensichtlich. Heute jedoch werden die Schule und ihr Beitrag zur Wirtschaftswissenschaft in Lehrbüchern, Fachzeitschriften oder wissenschaftlichen Publikationen kaum noch erwähnt. Auch in der akademischen Lehre spielen ihre Vertreter und deren Arbeiten kaum noch eine Rolle. Dieser Artikel will den großen Verlust aufzeigen, den die Wirtschaftswissenschaft damit erlitten hat. (shrink)

In his early text, The Limits of State Action, Wilhelm von Humboldt raises the Kantian question of the permissibility and legitimate extent of political and juridical coercion, as his contribution to a debate amongst Kantians launched by the publication in 1785 of Kant’s Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals. In arguing for a minimal state, concerned exclusively with internal and external security of its members but not at all with their felicity, Humboldt inflects Kantian political thought in the direction of (...) a liberal laissez-faire state, in marked contrast to the strong interventionism that his fellow-Kantian Fichte derived from similar Kantian grounds. The article argues that the underlying conception of the individual retained by Humboldt has markedly Leibnizian traits, namely the notion of freedom as the spontaneous unfolding of a highly personal, monadic developmental trajectory toward perfection, which ought not to be impeded or homogenized by unnecessary state intervention. Humboldt thus represents not only a ‘rightist’ libertarian reading of Kant, but a particular appropriation of significant Leibnizian themes. His combination of these sources is compared with that of other contemporary theorists like Hufeland and Fichte. (shrink)