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Hyperselectivity (Asian Americans) Hyperselectivity[1] is a concept in sociology that describes a pattern within immigration where migrants are more highly educated and advantaged socioeconomically than the general population in their country of origin.[2] This can also apply to the population of the host country.[2] This concept has been widely used in research on Asian Americans in explaining the phenomenon of social mobility, inequality, and educational attainment.[3] Scholars such as Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou have highlighted the effects of hyperselectivity when shaping the experiences of specific Asian immigrant groups in the United States.[4]
Definition and Origin
editHyperselectivity refers to a form of "dual positive selection,"[1] meaning, immigrants are disproportionately selected from the most educated and socioeconomically advanced places of their origin country.[1] Some are exceeding the average levels of education in society.[5] This concept originated from sociological research drawn from immigration and inequality specifically, focusing on studies examining the differences in outcomes across immigrant groups.[3]
This concept is typically associated with research among the Asian American populations, where scholars have used it to explain why some groups experiences high levels of occupational success and academic achievement.[6]
Historical Context
editThe rise of hyperselective immigration patterns across Asian American groups are linked to the changes in U.S. immigration policy, specifically the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965.[7] This policy, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson on October 3rd, 1965, abolished the restrictive national-origins quota system that favored northern and Western European immigrants since the 1920s.[7] This system showed preference for highly skilled workers and family reunification.[7]
This resulted in many immigrants from countries such as India, South Korea, and China to enter the United States through an employment-based visa that favored certain individuals with professional skills and high education.[7] These policy changes led to the overrepresentation of these highly skilled and educated individuals among certain Asian immigrant groups.[8]
Hyperselectivity in Asian American Communities
editResearch has provided insight on several Asian American groups such as Chinese, Indian, and Korean Americans that exhibit patterns of hyperselectivity.[4] Often, immigrants from these groups hold higher levels of education than nonimmigrants of their countries of origin, as well as the U.S. population as a whole.[1]
The effects of this selective migration has contributed to now high levels of educational attainment with second-generation Asian Americans.[3] Children that grow up in households of hyperselective immigrants are more likely to achieve and access educational resources, stable economic conditions, and comfort within academic institutions.[1]
Mechanisms and Effects
editMultiple mechanisms are produced through the social influences of hyperselectivity.[1] Highly educated immigrants are shown to place high strain on academic achievement and invest significant resources in their children's education.[9]These factors often include test preparation, tutoring, special testing, and enrollment into academically rigorous or prestigious institutions.[10]
Hyperselectivity can also produce broader effects in the community.[4] With the concentration of highly educated individuals within specific immigrant communities, formations of social networks form and can reinforce certain academic expectations and norms.[11] The networks within these communities may offer information, support systems, and educational resources to help academic success.[9]
Relation to the Model Minority Stereotype
editInterpretations of the stereotype "model minority"[6] has often been complicated by the concept of hyperselectivity. This phenomenon describes the Asian American communities as uniformly successful on an academic and professional level.[10] While scholars argue high levels of educational success of Asian American groups are correlated to cultural values, other argues that the immigration selectivity also plays a significant role in shaping these outcomes.[6]
However, with the emphasis on selection processes and immigration policy, hyperselectivity has shifted attention away from cultural aspects, focusing more on roles of institutions and historical contexts.[12]
Limitations and Critiques
editScholars have noted multiple limitations to the concept of hyperselectivity. Not every Asian American group is hyperselected.[13] Refugee populations, such as Vietnamese and Cambodian Americans often arrive to the U.S. with fewer economic and educational resources.[8] These also commonly experience different patterns of social incorporation.[14]
Furthermore, high levels of educational attainment do not always correlate into equivalent economic or labor market outcomes.[5] Research has discovered barriers to advancement among Asian American groups, indicating discrimination and an occurrence called "bamboo ceiling,"[1] which limits the access to leadership positions in the workforce.
Researchers also make aware that the focus on hyperselectivity may mask internal diversity within Asian American populations and neglect reoccurring forms of inequality.[15]
Other Critiques of Hyperselectivity Theory
editHyperselectivity has been seen influential when explaining educational and occupational success within certain second-generation Asian American groups.[1] However, scholars have raised question regarding its explanatory power and scope. One prominent critique posed by Arthur Sakamoto and Sharon Xuanren Wang, who side with the idea that hyperselectivity may potentially exaggerate the distinctiveness of Asian American outcomes by inadequately upholding for class background and other broader patterns of immigration selection.[13]
Sakamoto and Wang argue that high socioeconomic attainment among many Asian American groups may largely be due to pre-existing class advantages, rather than the specific process of "dual positive selection."[1] In their critique, they state that once parental education and socioeconomic status are contained and stabilized, the difference between outcomes in Asian American groups versus other immigrant groups become less exceptional than the hyperselectivity theory proposes.[13] This overall challenge the idea that structural mechanism and cultural identity tied to Asian American immigrant communities are the primary drivers of academic and occupational success.[16]
This critique by goes hand-in-hand with the broader academic debate proposed by Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou, who introduced the hyperselectivity theory.[1] Lee and Zhou, again, emphasize the importance of immigration selection patterns and reinforcement mechanisms across Asian American groups, while Sakamoto contradicts with class reproduction and that similar patterns of attainment are explained through more basic sociological processes affecting inclusion across groups.[13]
This debate accentuates the tension in sociological research on immigrant success achievement: whether Asian American educational and socioeconomic outcomes are best described through group-specific processes like hyperselectiviy, or through broader structural forces such as class stratification and immigration selections that can apply across many racial and ethnic groups.[11]
See also
editReferences
edit- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Lee, Jennifer; Goyette, Kimberly; Song, Xi; Xie, Yu (12 August 2024). Presumed Competent: The Strategic Adaptation of Asian Americans in Education and the Labor Market. Vol. 50. pp. 455–474. doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-090523-051614. PMC 11928156. PMID 40125316.
- 1 2 3 Lee, Jennifer; Goyette, Kimberly; Song, Xi; Xie, Yu (12 August 2024). Presumed Competent: The Strategic Adaptation of Asian Americans in Education and the Labor Market. Vol. 50. pp. 455–474. doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-090523-051614. PMC 11928156. PMID 40125316.
- 1 2 3 4 Lee, Jennifer; Zhou, Min (2015). The Asian American achievement paradox. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. p. 266. ISBN 9781610448505.
- 1 2 3 4 Lee, Jennifer; Zhou, Min (2021). "Asian Americans, Affirmative Action & the Rise in Anti-Asian Hate". New Diversities. 16 (2): 180–198. doi:10.1162/daed_a_01854. ISSN 0011-5266.
- 1 2 3 Freligh, David L.; Arum, Richard; Beattie, Irenee R.; Reardon, Sean (January 2001). The Structure of Schooling: Readings in the Sociology of Education (4 ed.). SAGE Publications. p. 121.
- 1 2 3 4 Lee, Jennifer; Zhou, Min (2015). The Asian American Achievement Paradox. Russell Sage Foundation. ISBN 978-0-87154-547-3. JSTOR 10.7758/9781610448505.
- 1 2 3 4 5 Kibria, Nazli (2003). Becoming Asian American: Second-Generation Chinese and Korean American Identities (1st ed.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9780801877445.
- 1 2 3 Portes, Alejandro; Zhou, Min (1993). "The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and Its Variants". Sage Journals. 530 (1): 74.
- 1 2 3 Zhou, Min; Lee, Jennifer (10 June 2014). "Assessing what is cultural about Asian Americans' academic advantage". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 111 (23): 8321–8322. Bibcode:2014PNAS..111.8321Z. doi:10.1073/pnas.1407309111. PMC 4060674. PMID 24876277.
- 1 2 3 Chou, Rosalind S.; Feagin, Joe R. (24 June 2008). "The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism". Paradigm Publishers: 251. doi:10.4324/9781315090634. ISBN 978-1-315-09063-4.
- 1 2 3 Feliciano, Cynthia (1 February 2005). Educational selectivity in U.S. Immigration: How do immigrants compare to those left behind?. Vol. 42. Demography. pp. 131–152. doi:10.1353/dem.2005.0001. PMID 15782899.
- 1 2 Tran, Van C.; Lee, Jennifer; Khachikian, Oshin; Lee, Jess (1 August 2018). "Hyper-selectivity, Racial Mobility, and the Remaking of Race". RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences. 4 (5): 188–209. doi:10.7758/RSF.2018.4.5.09. ISSN 2377-8253.
- 1 2 3 4 5 Sakamoto, Arthur; Wang, Sharron (2021). "Deconstructing hyper-selectivity: Are the socioeconomic attainments of second-generation Asian Americans only due to their class background?". Chinese Journal of Sociology. 7: 3–21. doi:10.1177/2057150X20973802. Retrieved 7 December 2020.
- 1 2 Massey, Douglas S. (2007). Categorically unequal: the American stratification system. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ISBN 978-0871545855.
- 1 2 Grusky, David (3 May 2018). Social stratification: class, race, and gender in sociological perspective (4th ed.). New York: Routledge. p. 1196. ISBN 9780429494642.
- 1 2 Kao, Grace; Thompson, Jennifer S. (November 2003). "Racial and Ethnic Stratification in Educational Achievement and Attainment". Annual Review of Sociology. 29 (1): 417–442. Bibcode:2003ARSoc..29..417K. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100019.