¹ For Robert's travels and participation in the entourage of Peter of Amiens, see Longnon, Jean, Les Compagnons de Villehardouin. Recherches sur les croisés de la quatrième croisade (Geneva, 1978), 202–4Google Scholar. Longnon suggests that Robert returned to Picardy with his brother, Aleaume, possibly as early as April 1205.

² See Dusevel, Hyacinthe, Histoire abrégée du trésor de l'abbaye royale de Saint-Pierre de Corbie (Amiens, 1861), 45–86Google Scholar, for the treasure inventory; Robert's role in transporting relics is noted throughout, especially ibid. 21, 46. Dusevel states (ibid. 79 n. 1) that Corbie preserved in its treasury the bourses or scrips given to crusaders as part of the ritual of departure and which many used to translate relics from the East. We cannot know whether one of the bourses kept by the abbey can be associated with Robert, but crusader bourses and their preservation within treasuries was not uncommon: see Lester, Anne E., ‘The Casket of Jean of Montmirail: The Sacred Politics of Reuse in Thirteenth-Century France’, Pereginations: Journal of Medieval Art & Architecture 4 (2015), 50–86Google Scholar. On the rituals of departure and the blessing of crusader scrips, see Gaposchkin, M. Cecilia, ‘From Pilgrimage to Crusade: The Liturgy of Departure, 1095–1300’, Speculum 88 (2013), 44–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Clari, Robert de, La Conquête de Constantinople, ed. Dufournet, Jean (Paris, 2004), 44Google Scholar. For the English I have used Robert of Clari, The Conquest of Constantinople, transl. Edgar Holmes McNeal (Toronto, ON, 1996; first publ. 1936), 31. Robert's text is preserved in only one manuscript copy now in Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS GKS 487, fols 100^v–128^r. It is the last of five texts copied together in two narrow columns in a book of 128 vellum leaves dated to c.1300. The volume brought together several popular and related works translated into vernacular French, including the Recits d'un minstrel de Reims; John of Flixecourt's translation of Dares the Phrygian, De excidio Troiae; the Chronicle of Turpin; and a treatise by Petrus Alphonsus, Disciplina clericalis. The manuscript is briefly described by McNeal in Clari, Conquest, 7–10. On the context of Robert's composition, generally dated to c.1216, see Beer, Jeanette, In their own Words: Practices of Quotation in Early Medieval History-Writing (Toronto, ON, 2014), 57–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an important critical reading, see Kinoshita, Sharon, Medieval Boundaries: Rethinking Difference in Old French Literature (Philadelphia, PA, 2006), 139–75Google Scholar. On similar crusade collections, see Richard, H. and Rouse, Mary A., ‘Context and Reception: A Crusading Collection for Charles IV of France’, repr. in eidem, Bound Fast with Letters: Medieval Writers, Readers, and Texts (Notre Dame, IN, 2013), 215–79Google Scholar.

⁴ ‘Ore avés oï le verité, confaitement Coustantinople fu conquise, . . . que chis qui i fu et qui le vit et qui l'oï le tesmongne, Robers de Clari, li chevaliers, et a fait metre en escrit le verité, si comme ele fu conquise’: Clari, La Conquête, 212.

⁵ On the truth-claims of vernacular prose histories at this time and in this region, see Spiegel, Gabrielle M., Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA, 1993)Google Scholar, although Spiegel does not deal with the crusader histories. For crusade narratives, see Paul, Nicholas, To Follow in their Footsteps: The Crusades and Family Memory in the High Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 55–89.

⁶ Amiens, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 527, Rotulus; Robert's relics are listed on the verso. The list had been copied by Benedicto Cocquelin, Historiae regalis abbatiae Corbeiensis compendium, which he compiled between 1672 and 1678. Cocquelin's text was edited by J. Garnier in Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie 8 (1845), 377–534; Robert's list is at 506–8. It was subsequently published in Paul Riant's magisterial Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae, 2 vols (Geneva, 1877–8), 2: 197–9. The relics are also enumerated in the back-matter of a missal-breviary from Corbie: Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 13222, fols 114^v–121^v. I am grateful to Cecilia Gaposchkin for calling this manuscript to my attention.

⁷ Jannic Durand is probably correct that what is here described and enumerated are fragments of relics set within larger gold and crystal reliquaries. It is not clear, however, whether these reliquaries were made after the reception of the relic fragments (the most likely scenario, to my mind) or whether they travelled as complete Byzantine reliquaries. It is possible that the Latin texto is a rendering of the Greek theke, a box or container. Robert may have transported several Byzantine theke as well as other fragments, which were reassembled into new Gothic containers: Durand, Jannic, ‘Une Prétendue Relique de Constantinople. La “Véronique” de Corbie’, in Cutler, Anthony and Papaconstantinou, Arietta, eds, The Material and the Ideal (Leiden, 2007), 205–18Google Scholar, at 210–12.

⁸ These dates cover the period from the end of the crusade to the reception of relics in Paris following Louis IX's acquisition of the Passion relics from his cousin Baldwin II, Latin emperor of Constantinople, and the construction of the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris to house and honour them. After 1241 the translation of Byzantine relics into the West slowed markedly. In 1261 the Greeks retook the imperial city and translations effectively ceased. On the reception of relics by Louis IX and the royal court, see Gould, Karen, ‘The Sequences De sanctis religuiis as Saint-Chapelle Inventories’, Mediaeval Studies 43 (1981), 315–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Niermeyer, J. F., Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus (Leiden, 1997)Google Scholar, 1039, s.vv. ‘translatio’, ‘translatare’.

¹⁰ See, for example, Gabriele, Matthew, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Latowsky, Anne, Emperor of the World: Charlemagne and the Construction of Imperial Authority, 800–1229 (Ithaca, NY, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Kinoshita, Sharon, ‘Translatio/n, Empire, and the Worlding of Medieval Literature’, Postcolonial Studies 11 (2008), 371–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ On translatio as a source type, see Heinzelmann, Martin, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 33 (Turnhout, 1979)Google Scholar. See also Geary, Patrick, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ, 1990Google Scholar; first publ. 1978), esp. 9–15; Hayward, Paul Antony, ‘Translation-Narratives in Post-Conquest Hagiography and English Resistance to the Norman Conquest’, Anglo-Norman Studies 21 (1998), 67–93Google Scholar.

¹² On the specific role of objects and images in translating ideas of the divine, see Peers, Glenn, ‘Object Relations: Theorizing the Late Antique Viewer’, in Johnson, Scott Fitzgerald, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2012), 970–93Google Scholar; Kumler, Aden, Translating Truth: Ambitious Images and Religious Knowledge in Late Medieval France and England (New Haven, CT, 2011)Google Scholar, esp. 1–13, 239–41. See also Campbell, Emma and Mills, Robert, eds, Rethinking Medieval Translation: Ethics, Politics, Theory (Woodbridge, 2012)Google Scholar. For a broader conceptualization of translation as an undertaking, see Apter, Emily, The Translation Zone: A New Comparative Literature (Princeton, NJ, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ My thinking about the enterprise of translation is much indebted to Walter Benjamin. First published in German in Heidelberg in 1921, his essay offers a fundamental point of departure: ‘The Task of the Translator’, in Arendt, Hannah, ed., Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, transl. Harry Zohn (New York, 1968), 69–82Google Scholar. On Benjamin and translation, see also Johnson, Barbara, Mother Tongues: Sexuality, Trails, Motherhood, Translation (Cambridge, MA, 2003), 40–64Google Scholar, 94–119. For ideas of appropriation, see Nelson, Robert S., ‘Appropriation’, in idem and Shiff, Richard, eds, Critical Terms for Art History (Chicago, IL, 1995), 117–27Google Scholar; and the issue of the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32 (2002) dedicated to the topic, especially Kathleen Ashley and Véronique Plesch, ‘The Cultural Processes of “Appropriation”’, ibid. 1–15. For the concept more broadly conceived, see Rogers, Daniel, Raman, Bhavani and Reimitz, Helmut, eds, Cultures in Motion (Princeton, NJ, 2014), 1–19Google Scholar. Bridging the translation of relics and narratives, see also Wintroub, Michael, ‘Translations: Words, Things, Going Native, and Staying True’, AHR 120 (2015), 1185–1217Google Scholar.

¹⁴ On this latter idea, I find the insights of Khanmohamadi, Shirin A., In Light of Another's World: European Ethnography in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, PA, 2014)Google Scholar, extremely useful, especially for the ideas about how Europeans perceived themselves. See also Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries; Marvoudi, Maria, ‘Translating from Greek into Latin and Arabic during the Middle Ages: Searching for the Classical Tradition’, Speculum 90 (2015), 28–59Google Scholar.

¹⁵ McCormick, Michael, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, AD 300–900 (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar; Fleming, Robin, ‘Recycling in Britain after the Fall of Rome's Metal Economy’, P&P 217 (2012), 3–45Google Scholar; Smith, Julia M. H., ‘Portable Christianity: Relics in the Medieval West (c.700–1200)’, PBA 181 (2012), 143–67Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Standard histories of the Fourth Crusade rely almost solely on chronicles and diplomatic sources rather than material and visual evidence. See, for example, Queller, Donald E. and Madden, Thomas F., The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, PA, 1997)Google Scholar; Angold, Michael, The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context (Harlow, 2003)Google Scholar; Phillips, Jonathan, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople (New York, 2004)Google Scholar. On the sources for the crusade, see Alfred J. Andrea, ‘Bibliography: Essay on Primary Source’, in Queller and Madden, eds, Fourth Crusade, 299–313; see also Balard, Michel, ‘L'Historiographie occidentale de la quatrième croisade’, in Laiou, Angeliki E., ed., Urbs Capta: The Fourth Crusade and its Consequences / Le IV^e croisade et ses conséquences (Paris, 2005), 161–74Google Scholar; Fanny Caroff, ‘La Narration des croisades dans l'iconographie française et flamande du Moyen Âge. Place et spécificité de l'expédition de 1204’, in Laiou, ed., Urbs Capta, 175–92. For a corrective to this that incorporates visual evidence, see Madden, Thomas F., ‘The Venetian Version of the Fourth Crusade: Memory and the Conquest of Constantinople in Medieval Venice’, Speculum 87 (2012), 311–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ On materiality and its methods, see Auslander, Leora et al., ‘AHR Conversation: Historians and the Study of Material Culture’, AHR 114 (2009), 1354–1404Google Scholar; Bynum, Caroline Walker, ‘Perspectives, Connections & Objects: What's Happening in History Now?’, Daedalus 138 (2009), 71–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, Christian Materiality: An Essay on Religion in Late Medieval Europe (New York, 2011); Flood, Finbarr Barry, Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval ‘Hindu-Muslim’ Encounter (Princeton, NJ, 2009), 1–14Google Scholar; Cole, Andrew, ‘The Call of Things: A Critique of Object-Oriented Ontologies’, Minnesota Review 80 (2013), 106–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Glenn Peers, ‘Translating Edges in Art of the Medieval Middle East: On the Resafa Hoard and a Painted Bottle from Liechtenstein’, in Zaza Skhirtladze, ed., On the Edge: Time and Space (Tbilisi, forthcoming). I thank Glenn Peers for sharing this piece with me before its publication.

¹⁹ For a correction of this oversight, see Paul, To Follow in their Footsteps, 90–133.

²⁰ See, in this volume, Simon Ditchfield, ‘Translating Christianity in an Age of Reformations’, 164–95.

²¹ One of the best short accounts of the preparation for the crusade is Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘Toward an Understanding of the Fourth Crusade as an Institution’, in Laiou, ed., Urbs Capta, 71–87; see also Alfred J. Andrea, ‘Innocent III and the Byzantine Rite, 1198–1216’, ibid. 111–22. For translations of Innocent's bulls and events leading up to the crusade, see Bird, Jessalynn, Peters, Edward and Powell, James M., eds, Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre (Philadelphia, PA, 2015), 24–66Google Scholar.

²² This is the narrative recounted in most modern histories, see n. 16 above.

²³ On the important role of vows and agreements, see Madden, Thomas F., ‘Vows and Contracts in the Fourth Crusade: The Treaty of Zara and the Attack on Constantinople in 1204’, International History Review 15 (1993), 441–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the role of food and supplies, see idem, ‘Food and the Fourth Crusade: A New Approach to the “Diversion Question”’, in Pryor, John H., ed., Logistics of Warfare in the Age of the Crusades (Aldershot, 2006), 209–28Google Scholar.

²⁴ Van Tricht, Filip, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228) (Leiden, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ For an early characterization of the latter perspective, see Alphandéry, Paul and Dupront, Alphonse, La Chrétienté et l'idée de croisade, 2 vols (Paris, 1954–9)Google Scholar; most recently, see Madden, ‘Venetian Version’. As Madden points out, the ‘internal dynamics of the Fourth Crusade could have allowed for the development of two different narratives within the same host’: ibid. 326.

²⁶ The overviews of the Fourth Crusade by Queller and Madden, Angold and Phillips cited in n. 16 are all laudable examples of this approach; see also Madden, Thomas F., ‘The Fires of the Fourth Crusade in Constantinople, 1203–1204: A Damage Assessment’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 84–85 (1992), 72–93Google Scholar.

²⁷ An exception is the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, which has addressed the religio-cultural impact of the crusade. I thank one of the reviewers for this insight.

²⁸ For the crusader principalities and cultural production in Greece, see Lock, Peter, The Franks in the Aegean 1204–1500 (Harlow, 1995)Google Scholar; Tricht, Van, Latin Renovatio; Teresa Shawcross, The Chronicle of Morea: Historiography in Crusader Greece (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar; Heather Grossman, Architecture and Interaction in the Thirteenth-Century Mediterranean: Building Identity in the Medieval Morea (London, 2017).

²⁹ On the looting of the city, see, for example, the letter from Innocent III to Thomas Maurocenus, patriarch of Constantinople, in which the pope condemns the taking of icons and other holy objects: Riant, Exuviae, 2: 76–8 (no. 26); cf. Maguire, Henry and Robert S. Nelson, eds, San Marco, Byzantium, and the Myths of Venice (Washington DC, 2010)Google Scholar; Perry, David M., Sacred Plunder: Venice and the Aftermath of the Fourth Crusade (University Park, PA, 2015)Google Scholar.

³⁰ The fact that contingents of the Fourth Crusade divided before they reached the East, with nearly half the French and Flemish crusaders continuing on to Syria, while the rest remained with the Venetians bound for Constantinople, is indicative of this shift and needs further study: see Queller, Donald E., Compton, Thomas K. and Campbell, Donald A., ‘The Fourth Crusade: The Neglected Majority’, Speculum 49 (1974), 441–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benjamin Z. Kedar, ‘The Fourth Crusade's Second Front’, in Laiou, ed., Urbs Capta, 89–110. These divisions are also noted throughout Longnon, Les Compagnons. On the general shift in crusading during the thirteenth century, see Tyerman, Christopher, The Invention of the Crusades (Houndmills, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Khanmohamadi, In Light of Another's World, 88–9.

³² The early letters the crusaders sent to the pope and to kin in the West speak of the confusion of the conquest and military engagement, but also of their understanding of God's role in assuring their victory. Many of these have been assembled and translated in Andrea, Alfred J., ed., Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade (Leiden, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ On patterns of relic translation, see Malcolm Barber, ‘The Impact of the Fourth Crusade in the West: The Distribution of Relics after 1204’, in Laiou, ed., Urbs Capta, 325–32; Perry, Sacred Plunder, 13–45. These practices are also discernible in the correspondence amassed by Riant, Exuviae, vol. 2. For his synthesis of this, see Riant, Paul, Des Dépouilles religieuses enlevées à Constantinople au XIII^e siècle et des documents historiques nés de leurs transport en occident, Société nationale des antiquaires de France, Mémoires 36 (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar; see also Frolow, Anatole, Recherches sur la déviation de la IV^e croisade vers Constantinople (Paris, 1955)Google Scholar.

³⁴ See Riant, Exuviae, 2: 74 (no. 23), 78 (no. 27), 81 (no. 30), 82–3 (no. 32); cf. Barber, ‘Impact of the Fourth Crusade’. Concerning this period in the Latin Empire's history, see Tricht, Van, Latin Renovatio; idem, ‘Robert of Courtenay (1221–1227): An Idiot on the Throne of Constantinople?’, Speculum 88 (2013), 996–1034CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ By contrast, Gunthar of Pairis's Hystoria Constantinopolitana relates how his abbot, Martin of Pairis, stole relics by hiding them in the folds of his garments to bring to his abbey: Alfred J. Andrea, ed. and transl., The Capture of Constantinople: The Constantinopolitana, Hystoria of Gunther of Pairis (Philadelphia, PA, 1997), 109–31Google Scholar. The Cleveland true cross reliquary also bears an inscription describing its theft from Byzantium. These examples, however, are rare. For the example of imperial gifts sent to the West, see Klein, Holger A., ‘Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West’, DOP 58 (1994), 283–314Google Scholar. Such pious thefts have attracted a disproportionate amount of attention in part because they make for scandalous stories. But their notoriety obscures the more common and routine gifts of relics highlighted here.

³⁶ See the literature cited in n. 33 above. Scholars such as Riant and Frolow have attempted to enumerate the relics that moved West, but as Jannic Durand has noted, such attempts remain imprecise as it is very hard to know from the written sources how many fragments were included in every reference to relics or how many fine pieces could have been kept within each reliquary, bourse or stavrotheke. Moreover, new discoveries of relics have since been made: Durand, Jannic, ‘La quatrième croisade, les reliques et les reliquaries de Constantinople’, in Villela-Petit, Inès, ed., Quatrième Croisade: de Blois à Constantinople et éclats d'empires, Revue Française d'héraldique et de sigillographie 73–75 (Paris, 2005), 55–78Google Scholar.

³⁷ See Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge, 1997), 144–5Google Scholar, 181–2; Paul, To Follow in their Footsteps, 90–133.

³⁸ For the precarious financial situation throughout the period of Latin rule, see Stahl, Alan M., ‘Coinage and Money in the Latin Empire of Constantinople’, DOP 55 (2001), 197–206Google Scholar.

³⁹ Riant, Exuviae, 2: 56–7 (no. 2), 61–2 (nos 7–8), 64–5 (no. 14), 74 (no. 23), 79–80 (no. 28). Both Baldwin I and Henry I commissioned a host of lesser lords and knights to transport relics to the West: Jean Longnon, Les Compagnons, 137–93.

⁴⁰ Klein, Holger A., ‘Sacred Relics and Imperial Ceremonies at the Great Palace of Constantinople’, in Bauer, Franz Alto, ed., Visualisierungen von Herrschaft. Frühmittelalterliche Residenzen, Gestalt und Zeremoniell, BYZAS 5 (Istanbul, 2006), 79–99Google Scholar; Bacci, Michele, ‘Relics of the Pharos Chapel: A View from the Latin West’, in Lidov, Alexei, ed., Eastern Christian Relics (Moscow, 2003), 235–46Google Scholar; Lidov, Alexei, ‘A Byzantine Jerusalem: The Imperial Pharos Chapel as the Holy Sepulchre’, in Hoffmann, Annette and Wolf, Gerhard, eds, Jerusalem as Narrative Space / Erzählraum Jerusalem (Leiden, 2012), 63–103Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Lester, Anne E., ‘What Remains: Women, Relics and Remembrance in the Aftermath of the Fourth Crusade’, JMedH 40 (2014), 311–28Google Scholar.

⁴² Riant, Exuviae, 2: 73 (no. 22), 183 (no. 2), 184–5 (no. 4); cf. Lester, ‘What Remains’, 317–21. In 1203 the household which Louis of Blois took with him to the East consisted of ‘five knights, two of whom were accompanied by their own sergeants, and two churchmen, one of them the count's chancellor’: Riley-Smith, ‘Toward an Understanding’, 82.

⁴³ The object is described in successive inventories drawn up by the monks of Clairvaux between 1405 and 1741. Parts of the inventories have been edited in Charles Lalore, Le Trésor de Clairvaux du XII^e au XVIII^e siècle (Paris, 1875), 25–6 (no. 49). On the Limburg staurotheke, see Sevçenko, Nancy, ‘The Limburg Staurothek and Its Relics’, in Andreade, Rena et al., eds, Thymiama ste mneme tes Laskarinas Boura (Athens, 1994), 289–94Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Lester, ‘What Remains’, 321–2. On Aléaume and Laurette, see Riant, Exuviae, 1: cxxxiii; 2: 13–14; Edgington, Susan B., ‘A Female Physician on the Fourth Crusade? Laurette de Saint-Valéry’, in Knighthoods of Christ: Essays on the History of the Crusades and the Knights Templar, Presented to Malcolm Barber, ed. Housley, Norman (Aldershot, 2007), 77–85Google Scholar. On the objects transported, see Dusevel, H., ‘Notes sur divers objets provenant de l'anncienne abbaye du Paraclet, près de Amiens, et de l’église de Longpré-les-Corps-Saints’, Bulletin du Comité historique des arts et monuments. Archéologie, Beaux-arts 4 (1853), 82–5Google Scholar. They had founded the community together in 1199, shortly before Aléaume took the cross, probably in the company of John of Ponthieu.

⁴⁵ On Wilbert, see Riant, Exuviae, 2: 17; Longnon, Les Compagnons, 179–80.

⁴⁶ For the charters, see Riant, Exuviae, 2: 69–70 (nos. 19–20); for the lections, ibid. 2: 10–22; cf. Riant's comments about this text: ibid. 1: cxxvii–cxxxv.

⁴⁷ Ibid. 2: 16–17.

⁴⁸ Wolff, Robert Lee, ‘Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut, First Latin Emperor of Constantinople: His Life, Death, and Resurrection, 1172–1225’, Speculum 27 (1952), 281–322CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ See, for example, Riant, Exuviae, 2: 102–4 (no. 42); see also Van Tricht, Latin Renovatio, 61–101.

⁵⁰ The lections (that is, the readings for this office) are reproduced in Riant, Exuviae, 2: 36–7; they follow closely the Historia translationum reliquiarum S. Mamantis: ibid. 1: cxxxviii–cxl, 22–34. The historia dates the receipt of the relics to 1209. On Wallon, see Longnon, Les Compagnons, 219.

⁵¹ For the role of these two bishops, see Barber, ‘Impact of the Fourth Crusade’.

⁵² Longnon, Les Compagnons, 205–7.

⁵³ Riant includes two versions of this text, the longer historia attributed to Richard de Gerberoy, bishop of Amiens (d. 14 May 1211) (Exuviae, 1: lxiii–lxvii, cxxxvii, 35–44) and the lections drawn from the historia (ibid. 2: 26–30). The lections can be found in a fourteenth-century breviary: Amiens, Bibliothèque municipale, MS lat. 113, fols 221–2. On Richard's compositions, see Durand, Georges, ‘Richard de Gerberoy, évêque d'Amiens. Ce qu'on peut savoir de son oeuvre littéraire’, Bibliothèque de l’école des chartes 99 (1938), 268–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brook, L. C., ‘La translation de la relique de Saint-Jean-Baptiste à la cathédrale d'Amiens. Récits latin et français’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 91 (1990), 93–106Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Riant, Exuviae, 2: 26–30.

⁵⁵ Ibid.

⁵⁶ On the face relics of John the Baptist, see Cange, Charles du Fresne du, Traité historique du chef de S. Jean Baptiste (Paris, 1665)Google Scholar; Carr, Annemaire Weyl, ‘The Face Relics of John the Baptist in Byzantium and the West’, Gesta 46 (2007), 159–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ For Hugh, see Lalore, Le Trésor, 18, 27, 31, 44–5, 60–4, 124–6, 156; King, Archdale, Cîteaux and her Elder Daughters (London, 1954), 265–6Google Scholar, 306–7; Longnon, Les Compagnons, 193; Van Tricht, Latin Renovatio, 256–8, 262, 265–6. Van Tricht explains that Hugh is also referred to as a clericus and magister, implying that he had been educated outside the monastic context: ibid. 266.

⁵⁸ Van Tricht, Latin Renovatio, 132; Riant, Exuviae, 2: 99–100 (no. 44). The position of clavicularius corresponded to that of the Byzantine imperial skeuophylax, who was responsible for the relics and religious treasures of the Great Palace.

⁵⁹ Riant, Exuviae, 2: 78 (no. 27, Constantinople, July 1207).

⁶⁰ Ibid. 2: 99–100 (no. 40, Clairvaux, 3 June 1215). This was either the fragment of the cross that was incorporated into the reliquary made during the abbacy of Matthew, c.1319 (Lalore, Le Trésor, 16–18) or (more probably) a relic of the cross set into a gold reliquary made when Dreux was sacristan, thus before 1233, which is carefully described in the 1504 inventory (Henri D'Arbois de Jubainville, ‘Trésor de Clairvaux’, Revue des Sociéte de la France et de l’étranger 5th ser. 5 [1873], 490–508, at 497–8).

⁶¹ Lalore, Le Trésor, 14, 19, 20–1, 24, 26, 38, 51–3, 64, 124–5.

⁶² Many more such chaplains and clerics are identified in my forthcoming book, Fragments of Devotion: Relics and Remembrance in the Aftermath of the Fourth Crusade.

⁶³ On ideas of reassembly, see Bynum, Caroline Walker, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200–1226 (New York, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Riant, Exuviae, 2: 58–60 (no. 4, March 1205), 65–6 (no. 15, October 1205), 67 (no. 16, 13 October 1205), 75 (no. 24, March 1206).

⁶⁵ For Langres, see ibid. 2: 70–3 (no. 21, 1205); for St Anne, ibid. 2: 73 (no. 22, 1205).

⁶⁶ Ibid. 2: 97–8 (no. 38, May 1210).

⁶⁷ The scripting of prayers, praise and adoration are noted in the charters listed in nn. 64–6 above. For the Sequence of Soissions, see Riant, Exuviae, 2: 43–5.

⁶⁸ The ‘Ordinarius et processionale ad usum episcopi Suessionensis’, is now in BnF, MS Lat. 8898. Unusual in shape and size, it measures 365 mm x 165 mm and is written on parchment. It can be viewed on Gallica, online at: <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8432463d.r=ms+8898>. An edition of the text was first produced by Poquet, Alexander, ed., Rituale seu mandatum insignis ecclesiae Suessionensis (Paris, 1856)Google Scholar; the section pertaining to the celebration of Nivelon's relics from Constantinople (ibid. 265–90) was reprinted by Riant with minor changes: Exuviae, 1: 3–9. Andrea has produced a new edition of these same folios: Andrea, Alfred J. and Rachlin, Paul I., ‘Holy War, Holy Relics, Holy Theft: The Anonymous of Soissons's De terra Iherosolimitana: An Analysis, Edition, and Translation’, Historical Reflections / Reflexions historiques 18 (1992), 147–56Google Scholar. On this form of liturgical book, see Hamilton, Sarah, ‘The Rituale: The Evolution of a New Liturgical Book’, in Swanson, R. N., ed., The Church and the Book, SCH 38 (Woodbridge, 2004), 74–86Google Scholar. Cecilia Gaposchkin is currently writing an article on this text, provisionally entitled ‘Nivelon of Soissons's 1205 Relics in their Liturgical Contexts’; I thank her for sharing this piece with me and for subsequent discussion of the manuscript and genre.

⁶⁹ BnF, MS Lat. 8898, fols 211^r–224^v; Poquet, Rituale, 265–90.

⁷⁰ Riant, Exuviae, 2:43–5.

⁷¹ For the details, see Poquet, Rituale, 265–90. This point is made by Gaposchkin, ‘Nivelon of Soissons's 1205 Relics’.

⁷² ‘[C]ontulimus ecclesie beati Petri Suessionensis, ob reverentiam beatorum martyrum quorum reliquias de Constantinopolitanis partibus Suessionem nuper attulimus’: Riant, Exuviae, 2: 75 (no. 24).

⁷³ This is clear from the many feasts Riant amassed and the liturgical texts he excerpted. A study of the surviving manuscripts forms a chapter of my forthcoming Fragments of Devotion.

⁷⁴ This rhetoric appears in the liturgical evidence Riant gathered: Exuviae, 1: 3–50.

⁷⁵ On this concept, see Gosden, Chris and Marshall, Yvonne, ‘The Cultural Biography of Objects’, World Archaeology 31 (1999), 169–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁶ See Perry, Sacred Plunder, 77–134, who addresses the multiple uses of narrative.

⁷⁷ This was the case with the charter that Hugh of St-Ghislain drew up authenticating the relics he brought to Clairvaux: Lalore, Le Trésor, 124–6.

⁷⁸ Riant, Exuviae, 2: 105–6 (no. 44); cf. Constable, Giles, ‘Troyes, Constantinople, and the Relics of St Helen in the Thirteenth Century’, in Mélange offerts à René Crozet, à l'occasion de son 70^e anniversaire, ed. Gallais, Pierre and Rion, Yves Jean, 2 vols (Poitiers, 1966), 2: 1035–42Google Scholar; Geary, Patrick J., ‘Saint Helen of Athyra and the Cathedral of Troyes in the Thirteenth Century’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 7 (1977), 149–68Google Scholar; repr. in idem, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 221–42.

⁷⁹ Poquet, Rituale, 270–90; idem, Notre-Dame de Soissons, son histoire, ses églises, ses tombeaux, ses abbesses, ses reliques (Paris, 1855).

⁸⁰ BnF, MS Lat. 8898, fols 214^r–224^v, treats the augmentation of the liturgies; cf. Poquet, Rituale, 270–90.

⁸¹ ‘Fourth Lateran Council – 1215’, in Tanner, Norman P., ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols (Washington DC, 1990), 1: 263–4Google Scholar (Canon 62).

⁸² Riant, Exuviae, 2: 65–7 (no. 15).

⁸³ Klein, ‘Eastern Objects, Western Desires’, 299–305; Hahn, Cynthia, Strange Beauty: Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400–circa 1204 (University Park, PA, 2012)Google Scholar; Bagnoli, Martina, ‘The Stuff of Heaven: Materials and Craftsmanship in Medieval Reliquaries’, in eadem et al., eds, Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe (New Haven, CT, 2010), 137–47Google Scholar. On enshrinement, see Chaganti, Seeta, The Medieval Poetics of the Reliquary: Enshrinement, Inscription, Performance (New York, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁴ An example of such crystal reliquaries is that made for Louis IX and given to the canons of St Maurice d'Agaune: see Anne E. Lester, ‘Confessor King, Martyr Saint: Praying to Saint Maurice in Senlis’, in Center and Periphery: Studies on Power in the Medieval World in Honor of William Chester Jordan, ed. Guy Keltner, Katherine L. Jansen and Anne E. Lester (Leiden, 2013), 195--210.

⁸⁵ See, for example, Smith, Julia M. H., ‘Care of Relics in Medieval Rome’, Rome and Religion in the Early Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Thomas F. X. Noble, ed. Garver, Valerie L. and Phelam, Owen M. (Farnham, 2014), 179–205Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Smith, Julia M. H., ‘Relics: An Evolving Tradition in Latin Christianity’, in Hahn, Cynthia and Klein, Holger A., eds, Saints and Sacred Matter: The Cult of Relics in Byzantium and Beyond (Cambridge, MA, 2015), 41–60Google Scholar, at 57.

⁸⁷ Smith, ‘Portable Christianity’.

⁸⁸ Kumler, Translating Truth, 241.

⁸⁹ For an early general history of the objects, see William Curtis Farabee, ‘Recent Discovery of Ancient Wampum Belts’, Expedition Magazine [Penn Museum] 8, no. 81 (March 1922), unpaginated, online at: <http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/?p=17237>.

⁹⁰ See the materials in Chartres, Archives départementales Eure-et-Loir (Fonds du chapitre de Notre-Dame de Chartres), G 340, 347, 351, 445 (1674–1702). For selections of this material, see Jules Doublet de Bois Thibault, Les voeux des Hurons et des Abnaquis à Notre-Dame de Chartres (Chartres, 1857). On the communicative role of wampum, see Becker, Marshall Joseph, ‘Small Wampum Bands used by Native Americans in the Northeast: Functions and Recycling’, Material Culture 40 (2008), 1–17Google Scholar; Haas, Angela M., ‘Wampum as Hypertext: An American Indian Intellectual Tradition of Multimedia Theory and Practice’, Studies in American Indian Literatures 19 (2007), 77–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹¹ Amiens, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 527. I have reedited the text here and the translation is my own.

⁹² All of the fragments listed are set off by ‘de’, possibly implying that that are all together in the crystal container with the thorns from the crown of thorns.