When the Architecture Breaks: What Banamex’s Rise and Fall Tells Bankers — and Everyone Else — Today

with Miguel A. López-Morell (Murcia)

For anyone who has worked in retail banking, the history of Banco Nacional de México (Banamex) and particularly since 2014 is uncomfortably familiar. On going research with Miguel A. López-Morell (and do let us know if we can talk to you -in anonymity at bbatiz64 @ gmail com) tells that story in detail, and the lesson it draws is more precise than the usual narratives about legacy technology or multinational mismanagement.

A bank builds something that genuinely works — deep customer relationships, integrated systems, a culture of in-house expertise — and then watches it unravel not because the market changed, but because the organisation imposed on top of it was incompatible with what had been built. Our research aims to tell that story in detail, and the lesson it draws is more precise than the usual narratives about legacy technology or multinational mismanagement. Banamex’s decline was not caused by a single scandal, a single strategic error, or a single technology failure. It was the product of multiple pressures — post-crisis strategic reorientation at Citigroup, US regulatory liability exposure, and the Oceanografía fraud — all operating through a single critical mechanism: the imposition of an organisational architecture that was incompatible with the one that had made Banamex work.

The central argument

The paper distinguishes between three things that are routinely conflated in banking strategy discussions: core banking systems (the transactional engine), the platform (the operational layer connecting products and channels), and the architecture (the organisational logic that determines how information flows, who has access to what, and what the bank actually treats as its fundamental unit of value — the product or the customer).

The argument is that Banamex’s success as a universal bank between roughly 1970 and 2001 was not primarily the result of good technology choices or even good management, though both were present. It was the result of an architecture organised around a unified customer view. The bank built its systems — in-house, incrementally, over decades — around the principle that a customer was a single entity whose relationship with the bank spanned deposits, credit, insurance, and brokerage. That sounds obvious. In practice, almost no large bank actually builds its technology that way.

Moreover, as Carlos Marichal reminded us, thanks to the Legorreta family Banamex was not only a domestic technological trail blazer but the intermediary of choice for personal and corporate banking within Mexican elites, certainly those based in the capital and the Bajio region. Middle classes performatively followed suit.

What Banamex built — and where it came from

It is worth being precise about the origins of Banamex’s architecture, because they matter for understanding what was later lost. Banamex was not building something uniquely Mexican in isolation. Like most large Latin American banks from the 1960s onward, it was adapting broadly American computing approaches — transmitted through US vendor strategies, US-trained executives, and the general diffusion of computing practices across the Americas. What made the architecture locally distinctive was precisely that adaptation: the in-house modification of imported approaches to fit Mexican customer relationships, branch networks, regulatory conditions, and macroeconomic volatility. Scores of engineers were hired, trained internally, and assigned to systems for decades. When Citigroup later reimposed an undifferentiated American architecture, it was not introducing something entirely foreign to Banamex’s technological history. It was stripping out the institutional learning that had made borrowed approaches functional in a specific market — and that distinction is everything.

What Citigroup broke, and why

In the aftermath of the Tequila Crisis, Citigroup acquired Banamex in 2001. Citi inherited a platform more coherent than its own Mexican operation warranted. The initial integration reflected this: Citigroup’s smaller Mexican retail book was absorbed into Banamex’s systems, not the other way around. For the first several years, the acquisition worked reasonably well, precisely because Citigroup left the architecture largely intact.

The break came gradually and then suddenly, driven by forces that were simultaneously strategic, legal, and reputational. Post-2008, Citigroup reorganised globally around a product-led model — separate silos for cards, lending, deposits, and wealth management, each with its own systems and reporting lines. This is the dominant model in Anglo-Saxon banking, with real advantages for global compliance and capital management. What it destroys is the unified customer view.

The Oceanografía fraud in 2014 dramatically accelerated the imposition of this logic. But Oceanografía should be understood as a symptom and a trigger, not the underlying cause. The fraud exposed weaknesses in local controls, but Citigroup’s response was shaped as much by US legal liability as by operational logic. Under American law, senior Citigroup executives faced personal criminal exposure for misconduct occurring in foreign subsidiaries. The response — rigid centralised controls, dramatically reduced local risk appetite, decision-making transferred to New York — was overdetermined by that liability framework. As one senior executive recalled, after the scandal Citi “began to add absolutely rigid layers of control” that “eliminated flexibility and radically changed its risk appetite in Latin America.” Local executives lost agility. Decisions that previously could be made in Mexico City now required approval in New York. Products that could previously be tailored to Mexican customer segments now had to conform to global templates.

The result was what engineers inside the bank called spaghetti architecture: functional, barely, but impossible to modify quickly and ruinously expensive to maintain. One former executive described the cumulative effect with precision: “Every new management team arrives and starts introducing a new architecture, but nobody cleans up the previous one. They generate layer upon layer, and in the end they have absolutely brutal technological debt.”

The competitive consequence

Banamex had held roughly 22–23 percent of Mexican banking assets in the early 2000s, level with BBVA Bancomer. By the late 2010s it had fallen at least three positions in the national ranking. Its preeminance amongst elites, middle class, and recently bancarised largely gone. Our paper attributes this decline not primarily to underinvestment in absolute terms, but to loss of agility, customer focus, and local decision-making speed.

The BBVA Bancomer comparison functions as a controlled experiment. Two banks, same market, similar scale, both owned by foreign multinationals. BBVA granted its Mexican operation substantially greater technological and commercial autonomy. Bancomer adapted faster to Mexican market conditions, maintained a more coherent customer architecture, and steadily widened its competitive lead. As a former Mexican finance minister and later board member at a competitor observed, “the contrast with CitiBanamex is dramatic and can be explained, in part, by Citi’s decision to micromanage operations from New York, whereas Bancomer continued to enjoy significant technological autonomy from its Spanish parent.” The divergence in outcomes is not coincidental. It is the direct consequence of two different answers to the same organisational question poised by Gould & Campbell or Bartlett & Ghoshal: does local architecture serve the parent, or does the parent serve the local architecture? And to paraphrase the great Alfred D. Chandler Jr., Does IT follow strategy, or does it constrain action? … You tell us.

Percentage of individual assets relative to the total Mexican banking system for selected participants, 1991-2025

Source: Jiménez Bautista (2012), Comisión Nacional Bancaria y de Valores and authors. Data as of September, 2025.

Why this matters beyond banking

The conversation our paper enters is urgent within retail banking, where digital-native competitors — Nu, Revolut, and others — are winning in the most profitable customer segments precisely because they were built from scratch around unified customer architectures, with no legacy systems to maintain and no silo politics to navigate. Incumbents’ problem is not the technology budget. It is the architectural debt that cannot be resolved by adding new layers on top of old ones.

But the finding travels beyond banking. One reader commented privately: “[Banamex] tells the exact same story when Walmart aquired Aurrera” in Mexcan food retailing and other said “like the Spanish, we did things differently [than Citi] at MetLife” in Mexican insurance.

But our story travels further than Mexico. James Cortada, whose historical work documents IT-driven transformation across American industry for five decades and has been read by millions of people, identified the Banamex case as an instance of a general organisational phenomenon visible across sectors and countries. IBM encountered the same constraint internally during the 1980s and 1990s: accumulated IT architecture embedded strategic choices that could not be quickly overwritten by new leadership or new investment priorities. The mechanism is identical in retail, insurance, healthcare, and logistics. Any large organisation that has built substantial IT infrastructure over decades faces the same fundamental constraint: the architecture is not a neutral infrastructure sitting beneath strategy. It is the organisation. It encodes past decisions about what the institution values, what it can know, and how fast it can move. When new ownership or new management attempts to impose a different organisational logic without reckoning seriously with the architecture already in place, the costs accumulate invisibly for years before they become undeniable.

The Banamex workforce tells that story in a single statistic. In 1999 the bank employed approximately 38,000 people. By 2024, after two decades of Citigroup ownership, the figure stood at roughly 39,000 — surface stability concealing profound internal transformation. Following the decision to divest and the subsequent separation, internal estimates suggest the workforce will fall to approximately 31,000 by the end of 2026. That reduction represents the organisational cost of architectural misalignment made visible: two decades of layering incompatible logics onto a coherent foundation, and then the painful process of unravelling what was built.

Banamex was not destroyed by a fraud scandal, fintech disruption, or strategic retreat. It was undermined by an architectural mismatch that began the moment the logic of the acquirer was imposed on the logic of the acquired — and sustained by legal, regulatory, and competitive pressures that made correction progressively harder. That is a story worth understanding before it happens again, in banking or anywhere else.

Tap, Click, Transfer: Is “Pay by Bank” the Quiet Open Finance Revolution at Last?

A Quiet Surge in Adoption

How to pay securely online has been an ongoing concern since the advent of the commercial Internet in the late 1990s. Indeed, one of PayPal’s claims to fame (and success) was to allow users a single point where to keep the now familiar ritual: type in your card number, expiry date and CVV, hope the transaction goes through, and perhaps complete a two-factor authentication step. However, speaking recently on BBC Breakfast, fintech commentator Peter Ruddick noted that the UK has already seen growth of something rather different called Pay-by-Bank.

A Bit of Fintech History

In the UK, this new method roots to 2016 when The Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) mandated the creation of the Open Banking Implementation Entity (OBIE) following an investigation into retail banking competition. This was followed by The Retail Banking Market Investigation Order, which came into effect in 2017, legally requiring the UK’s then nine largest banks (the CMA9 – Barclays, Lloyds Banking Group, Santander, Danske, HSBC, RBS, Bank of Ireland, Nationwide, and AIBG ) to share data with authorised third parties.Open Banking was introduced the following year, in 2018, as the underlying regulatory framework and technology that enables an account-to-account payment method, while Pay by Bank is a specific consumer-facing payment method powered by that technology. In other words, Open Banking provides the “pipes” (APIs) and rules, while Pay by Bank is the specific “tap” you turn on at a digital checkout to use those pipes.

Ruddick and supporters of Open Banking claim that Pay by Bank represents a big change in how money moves online. Rather than routing funds through card networks, acquirers, or intermediary wallets, it allows instant settlement straight from a consumer’s bank account to a merchant’s. No card details are entered, no CVV typed, no extra layers of friction added for security. Ruddick noted that in the UK, Pay by Bank has gained quite momentum with around 36 million Pay-by-Bank transactions in 2026 alone.

The UK Payments Landscape: Perspective Matters

Industry insiders would opine that new technologies like instant payments and Open Banking rails are slashing costs dramatically. As seen in Keyna’s MPesa, Brazil’s PIX or India’s UPI, where cash reliance has diminished not through mandates but through usable, low-friction alternatives.

Recent figures underscore this perception. See Table 1 below. Open banking payments reached around 351 million in 2025 in the UK, a substantial rise from prior years, with variable recurring payments (a key subset) now forming roughly 16% of the total. Early 2026 data shows a continued upward trajectory, albeit at a steadier pace—monthly volumes hovering near or above 30 million in recent periods, supported by major platforms like Amazon and eBay integrating the option. Awareness of the term “Pay by Bank” has paradoxically dipped among consumers, dropping to about 38% familiarity in recent surveys despite the volume surge, reflecting terminology confusion (“instant bank transfer,” “account-to-account,” and so on) rather than rejection.

Table 1: Distribution of Payment Methods in the UK, 2025

To place this data in context, consider the broader UK payments picture. Debit cards still dominate with roughly 26 billion transactions annually, capturing over half the market share. Faster Payments, the underlying infrastructure for many Pay by Bank flows, handles around 5-6 billion. Direct Debits underpin recurring needs at nearly 5 billion, while cash lingers at about 4-5 billion despite its decline. Open banking payments, even at their 2025 level of 351 million, represent only a small fraction—around 0.7% of the total non-cash volume—but their growth rate stands out as the fastest among established methods: 57% year-on-year growth, nearly one million new users per month and record monthly volumes exceeding 14 million transactions.

The Invisible Economics of Payments

The appeal of Pay by Bank lies in simplicity and economics: no card details to steal, near-instant settlement, lower merchant fees than card rails (often 1-2% versus higher interchange), and reduced fraud surface. Yet the deeper issue is not technical capability but economic visibility.

One of the longstanding truths in retail payments and one rarely discussed aspect of this industry: pricing transparency. Consumers tend to assume all payment methods cost roughly the same. In reality, they do not. Payments other than cash or direct transfer involve multiple actors: issuing banks, acquiring banks, card networks, payment gateways, and digital wallets. Each layer extracts a fee.

Account-to-account payments, by contrast, typically involve no intermediaries and lower ot no transaction costs. Yet consumers rarely see those savings reflected in checkout decisions. Consumers choose based on convenience, perceived liquidity, or the allure of deferred payment. Behavioural evidence consistently shows people favour options that push costs into the future, even if subtly embedded in higher retail prices.

This creates a tension. If a merchant can offer six interest-free instalments via BNPL, is that unambiguously good for the consumer? It depends on individual time preferences and discipline, but the decision is seldom fully informed—the true cost is diffused across the system rather than signalled clearly at the point of choice. Pay by Bank could, in theory, alter this dynamic. Fewer intermediaries mean lower fees for merchants, which could translate into explicit price differences or incentives to steer customers toward the cheaper rail. In practice, though, merchants hesitate to highlight such savings, and consumers show little appetite for switching purely on abstract efficiency grounds.

Forecast: Where Pay by Bank Could Go Next

Looking ahead, projections suggest steady if unspectacular scaling. From the 2025 base, volumes could approach 900 million by 2027 as e-commerce integrations deepen, perhaps reaching 2 billion by 2030 when merchant steering becomes more common, and potentially 5 billion by the mid-2030s—around 10% share—if open finance matures, APIs standardise further, and protections align closer to card-level safeguards. These estimates hinge on stronger incentives and regulatory parity; without them, the method risks remaining a niche convenience rather than a conscious preference.

Why is there no regulatory parity? Pay by Bank lacks the legal protections of credit cards because it is classified as a bank transfer or cash payment rather than a credit agreement, meaning it is not covered by Section 75 of the Consumer Credit Act 1974. Additionally, unlike debit and credit cards, which follow voluntary chargeback rules set by networks like Visa and Mastercard, Pay by Bank transactions are direct Faster Payments that do not currently have a built-in reversal or dispute mechanism.

Table 2. Pay by Bank Forecast 2025-2030

Card schemes triumphed not on lowest cost but on trust—chargebacks, fraud liability shifts, straightforward disputes and, of course, “no discrimination” clauses. Pay by Bank excels at efficiency but must still prove equivalent consumer protections to gain similar confidence. Meanwhile, global examples remind us that innovation thrives when it delivers usability and immediacy, not merely lower abstract fees.

Ultimately, Pay by Bank’s promise extends beyond reducing friction. It offers a chance to make the economics of payment visible again—to let price signals guide choices amongst payment media rather than opaque intermediation. Until merchants and regulators foster that transparency, the option will likely keep growing quietly: useful for those who discover it, but for most, just another button among many, convenient yet unexamined. The quiet revolution may yet reshape the infrastructure of exchange, but only if it succeeds in illuminating the costs hidden within it.

Finabien and first step toward financial inclusion for the unbanked

Remittances are more than a payment flow — they are a lifeline.

In my latest contribution to the CashEssentials blog, I explore what Mexico’s public remittance infrastructure can teach us about financial inclusion, payment choice, and the enduring role of cash.

Drawing on fieldwork and institutional analysis, the piece examines FINABIEN, Mexico’s public remittance and payments network, and what it reveals about how migrant transfers actually reach households. The lesson is clear:

➡ Digital channels are growing
➡ But cash remains essential at the last mile

For millions of families receiving remittances, cash provides accessibility, immediacy, and resilience — particularly in places where banking access, connectivity, or formal identification remain limited. In fact, cash often acts as the first step toward financial inclusion for the unbanked.

This creates important implications for:

• Remittance providers
• Payment system designers
• Fintech innovators
• Policymakers concerned with inclusion

If we want to design payment systems that truly work for migrant families and underserved communities, the debate should not be cash vs digital — but how the two complement each other.

I would be very interested in hearing the views of colleagues working in cross-border payments, remittances, fintech, and financial inclusion.

📖 Read the full article here:
https://cashessentials.org/remittances-as-a-lifeline-lessons-from-mexicos-finabien-and-the-enduring-role-of-cash-in-financial-inclusion-and-popular-personal-finance/

#Remittances #Payments #FinancialInclusion #Fintech #Cash #CrossBorderPayments #Mexico #Migration #PaymentSystems #FintechPolicy

Ethical and Governance Musings

I am pleased to share our contribution to the Institute of Business Ethics (IBE) blog:

https://www.ibe.org.uk/knowledge-hub/beyond-materialism-integrity-in-todays-professional-landscape/

The IBE is one of the leading authorities on business ethics in the United Kingdom and advises FTSE 350 companies, making it an important external recognition. It also helps to position the work we do at the Responsible Business Group at Newcastle Business School on issues of ethics, governance, and responsible leadership.

I hope you find it interesting.

From Chip and PIN to “Payment Sovereignty”: Why Britain’s Card Revolution Is Entering a New Political Phase

In February 2006, millions of Britons stood awkwardly at supermarket tills, unsure whether they remembered a four-digit code they had barely used before. Chip and PIN had arrived, replacing signatures and ushering in a new era of electronic payments. Two decades later, the technology is so embedded that it feels invisible. Yet, beneath the surface of taps and swipes, Britain’s payment system is entering another transformation—this time driven less by convenience and more by geopolitics and power.

The humble PIN pad was never just about fraud reduction or retail efficiency. It was part of a longer story about who controls the pipes of commerce. Today, as UK banks explore a domestic alternative to Visa and Mastercard, the country is rediscovering that payment rails are not merely commercial services—they are strategic infrastructure.

A historical lesson from Barclays: CONNECT, Switch, and the politics of payments

British banks have been here before. In the 1980s, Barclays launched CONNECT, one of Europe’s earliest online banking systems, offering account access through home computers and modems. CONNECT was not just a technological novelty; it was an attempt to shape how consumers interacted with banks, bypassing physical branches and creating proprietary digital channels.

Around the same period, UK banks collaborated on Switch, a domestic debit card scheme that later evolved into Maestro and then Visa Debit. Switch represented a rare moment of collective industry coordination to build a national payments infrastructure rather than rely entirely on global networks.

These initiatives reveal a recurrent pattern: payments innovation is always political, even when framed as neutral technology. CONNECT challenged the dominance of physical branch networks; Switch was an assertion of domestic control in a rapidly globalising card market. The current push for a UK alternative to Visa and Mastercard is simply the latest chapter.

Chip and PIN: the quiet infrastructure revolution

Chip and PIN itself was a geopolitical technology, even if consumers barely noticed. The system was introduced partly to combat card-present fraud and magnetic stripe cloning. Two decades on, it has dramatically reshaped how people pay, reducing counterfeit fraud by around 95% and laying the foundation for contactless and mobile wallets.
See, for instance:
https://www.credit-connect.co.uk/news/chip-and-pin-hits-20-year-milestone/
and
https://uk.finance.yahoo.com/news/remarkable-changes-way-pay-20-000100721.html

But Chip and PIN also entrenched dependence on global card schemes. Visa and Mastercard now process roughly 95% of UK card transactions, a concentration that policymakers increasingly view as a systemic vulnerability.

Why banks are suddenly talking about “sovereign payments”

Recent reports suggest UK bank leaders are exploring a domestic alternative to Visa and Mastercard, prompted by concerns about geopolitical risk and systemic dependence.
For example, The Guardian reports that a coalition of banks, chaired by Barclays UK CEO Vim Maru, is considering a national payments platform to reduce reliance on US-owned networks and ensure resilience.
https://www.theguardian.com/business/2026/feb/16/uk-bank-bosses-plan-visa-mastercard-alternative

This is not about shaving a few basis points off interchange fees. It is about strategic autonomy. If payments are critical infrastructure—like electricity grids or telecommunications—then relying on foreign-controlled networks introduces geopolitical risk. The experience of sanctions on Russia demonstrated how quickly payment rails can become instruments of state power.

Barclays and the new platform logic

Barclays has been repositioning itself within the payments ecosystem for years. It has invested heavily in its merchant acquiring business, explored partnerships to spin it out as a standalone platform, and even entered stablecoin infrastructure experiments. These moves reflect a strategic shift: banks increasingly see themselves not just as intermediaries, but as platform orchestrators in a fragmented payments landscape.

For example, Barclays has partnered with Brookfield to transform its payment acceptance business into a scalable, independent platform, investing hundreds of millions of pounds to modernise the infrastructure.
https://www.ajbell.co.uk/news/articles/barclays-partner-brookfield-payment-acceptance-business

This platform logic mirrors CONNECT’s ambition four decades ago: control the interface between consumers, merchants, and financial infrastructure. The difference today is scale, complexity, and geopolitical salience.

The real policy question: interoperability versus sovereignty

The debate over a UK alternative to Visa and Mastercard echoes European discussions about payment sovereignty, such as the EU’s push for domestic schemes and digital wallets. The rhetoric is familiar: reduce dependence on US firms, protect domestic industry, and ensure resilience.

But history suggests that sovereignty without interoperability risks irrelevance. Switch succeeded partly because it integrated into global networks; CONNECT thrived only as long as it connected seamlessly with core banking systems. Payment systems are network goods: their value depends on widespread adoption and compatibility.

A purely national scheme that fails to interoperate with global platforms risks becoming a costly redundancy. Conversely, an interoperable domestic rail could increase competition, reduce fees, and enhance resilience.

From convenience to critical infrastructure

The evolution from signatures to Chip and PIN to contactless payments often appears as a linear story of consumer convenience. Yet each step also redistributed power among banks, card schemes, regulators, and technology firms.

The current push for a domestic payment alternative marks a shift from consumer-facing innovation to infrastructure politics. Payments are no longer just fintech; they are geopolitics.

For policymakers, three implications follow:

  1. Treat payment rails as critical infrastructure. This requires regulatory oversight, resilience testing, and contingency planning akin to other systemic infrastructures.
  2. Design for interoperability first. National schemes must integrate with global networks to avoid fragmentation and inefficiency.
  3. Balance competition with coordination. The UK’s historical experience shows that collaborative industry platforms can succeed, but only with clear governance and regulatory frameworks.

Conclusion: a new phase of the payments revolution

Chip and PIN transformed how Britons paid for groceries. The next transformation will be less visible but more consequential. As banks and governments rediscover the strategic nature of payment infrastructure, debates over sovereignty, resilience, and platform power will intensify.

The irony is that the future of payments may look less like Silicon Valley disruption and more like the collective industry projects of the past—CONNECT, Switch, and now DeliveryCo. The technologies will be digital, tokenised, and AI-driven, but the underlying question remains unchanged: who controls the pipes of commerce?

In the age of cashless societies, payment systems are no longer just about convenience. They are about power.