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Anthropological study examining how McDonald's has become a localized institution in East Asian countries, exploring cultural assimilation and globalization in Hong Kong, Beijing, Taipei, Seoul, and Tokyo.
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Book details
- ISBN-100804749892
- ISBN-13978-0804749893
- Edition2nd
- Publication dateMarch 14, 2006
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.69 x 8.5 inches
- Print length280 pages
Review
From the Inside Flap
Praise for the First Edition:
“Golden Arches East is a fascinating study that explores issues of globalization by focusing on the role of McDonald’s in five Asian economies and [concludes] that in many countries McDonald’s has been absorbed by local communities and become assimilated, so that it is no longer thought of as a foreign restaurant and in some ways no longer functions as one.” —Nicholas Kristof, New York Times Book Review
“This is an important book because it shows accurately and with subtlety how transnational culture emerges. It must be read by anyone interested in globalization. It is concise enough to be used for courses in anthropology and Asian studies.” —Joseph Bosco, China Journal
“The strength of this book is that the contributors contextualize not just the food side of McDonald's, but the social and cultural activity on which this culture is embedded. These are culturally rich stories from the anthropology of everyday life.” —Paul Noguchi, Journal of Asian Studies
“Here is the rare academic study that belongs in every library.”—Library Journal
From the Back Cover
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Golden Arches East
McDonald's in East Asia By James L. WatsonSTANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 2006 Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior UniversityAll right reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8047-4989-3
Contents
Contributors..................................................................................................................................xvIntroduction: Transnationalism, Localization, and Fast Foods in East Asia James L. Watson....................................................11. McDonald's in Beijing: The Localization of Americana Yunxiang Yan.........................................................................392. McDonald's in Hong Kong: Consumerism, Dietary Change, and the Rise of a Children's Culture James L. Watson................................773. McDonald's in Taipei: Hamburgers, Betel Nuts, and National Identity David Y. H. Wu........................................................1104. McDonald's in Seoul: Food Choices, Identity, and Nationalism Sangmee Bak..................................................................1365. McDonald's in Japan: Changing Manners and Etiquette Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney..................................................................161Update: McDonald's as Political Target: Globalization and Anti-globalization in the Twenty-First Century James L. Watson.....................183Notes.........................................................................................................................................201Select Bibliography...........................................................................................................................239Index.........................................................................................................................................247Chapter One
McDonald's in Beijing: The Localization of AmericanaYunxiang Yan
On April 23, 1992, the largest McDonald's restaurant in the world opened in Beijing. With 700 seats and 29 cash registers, the Beijing McDonald's served 40,000 customers on its first day of business. Built on the southern end of Wangfujing Street near Tiananmen Square-the center of all public politics in the People's Republic of China-this restaurant had become an important landmark in Beijing by the summer of 1994, and the image of the Golden Arches appeared frequently on national television programs. It also became an attraction for domestic tourists, as a place where ordinary people could literally taste a bit of American culture. New McDonald's restaurants appeared in Beijing one after another: two were opened in 1993, four in 1994, and ten more in 1995; by the end of 1996, there were 29 outlets in Beijing. According to Tim Lai, the company's General Manager, the Beijing market is big enough to support 100 McDonald's restaurants, and McDonald's plans to open 600 outlets in China by century's end.
The astonishing growth of the Beijing McDonald's has to be understood in the context of recent changes in Chinese society. There is a new tendency to absorb foreign cultural influences and transform them into local institutions, a trend that the Chinese political system resisted during the Maoist era (1949-78). In the case reviewed here, both the McDonald's management and staff on the one hand and the Beijing customers on the other have been active participants in the localization process. To analyze this process, I first examine the image of McDonald's in the minds of ordinary Chinese people. Then I look at McDonald's efforts to fit into the Chinese market, as well as the ways in which Beijing consumers have appropriated McDonald's for their own use.
The Big Mac as a Symbol of Americana
In October 1, 1993, National Day in China, a couple in their early seventies had dinner at the McDonald's restaurant on Wangfujing Street. They had been invited to celebrate the holiday at McDonald's by their daughter and son-in-law, who spent almost 200 yuan for the dinner, an unimaginably large sum in the view of the elderly couple. The experience of eating in a foreign restaurant struck them as so significant they had their picture taken in front of the Golden Arches and sent it to their hometown newspaper, along with another photo they had had taken on October 1, 1949, in Tiananmen Square-celebrating the first National Day of the People's Republic of China. Their story was later published by the newspaper, with the two contrasting photographs. In the 1949 photo, the two young people appear in identical white shirts, standing slightly apart, their thin faces betraying undernourishment in hard times. In the 1993 photo, a portly woman proudly holds her husband's left arm, and the two are healthy looking and fashionably dressed. They took a taxi to McDonald's and, while crossing Tiananmen Square, they remembered how poor they had been in 1949 and realized how much China has changed in the interim.
At first glance, this news story reads like the typical propaganda skit that one still finds in official Chinese media, with its constant play on "recalling the bitterness of old China and thinking of the sweetness of the new society" (yiku sitian). However, in this case it is McDonald's-a capitalist, transnational enterprise-that symbolizes the "sweetness" of current life. What is even more interesting, the headline of the story reads: "Forty-Four years: From Tu to Yang." The terms tu and yang have been paired concepts in the everyday discourse of Chinese political culture since the nineteenth century. In common usage, tu means rustic, uncouth, and backward, whereas yang refers to anything foreign (particularly Western), fashionable, and quite often, progressive. The juxtaposition of these common terms demonstrates how McDonald's and its foreign (yang) food have become synonymous with progressive changes that make life more enjoyable in contemporary China.
In the eyes of Beijing residents, McDonald's represents Americana and the promise of modernization. McDonald's highly efficient service and management, its spotless dining environment, and its fresh ingredients have been featured repeatedly by the Chinese media as exemplars of modernity. McDonald's strict quality control, especially regarding potatoes, became a hot topic of discussion in many major newspapers, again with the emphasis on McDonald's scientific management as reflected in the company's unwavering standards. According to one commentator who published a series of articles on McDonald's, the company's global success can be traced to its highly standardized procedures of food production, its scientific recipes, and its modern management techniques. As the title of his article ("Seeing the World from McDonald's") suggests, each restaurant represents a microcosm of the transnational, so much so that, according to another article by the same author, many American youths prefer to work at McDonald's before they leave home to seek work elsewhere. The experience of working at McDonald's, he continues, prepares American youth for any kind of job in a modern society.
Other news items associate the success of transnational food chains with their atmosphere of equality and democracy. No matter who you are, according to one of these reports, you will be treated with warmth and friendliness in the fast food restaurants; hence many people patronize McDonald's to experience a moment of equality. This argument may sound a bit odd to Western readers, but it makes sense in the context of Chinese culinary culture. When I asked my Beijing informants about the equality factor, they all pointed out that banquets in Chinese restaurants are highly competitive: people try to outdo one another by offering the most expensive dishes and alcoholic beverages. It is typical for the host at a banquet to worry that customers at neighboring tables might be enjoying better dishes, thus causing him or her to lose face. To avoid such embarrassment, many people prefer to pay the extra fees necessary to rent a private room within a restaurant. Such competition does not exist at McDonald's, where the menu is limited, the food is standardized, and every customer receives a set of items that are more or less equal in quality. There is no need to worry that one's food might be lower in status than a neighbor's. For people without a lot of money but who need to host a meal, McDonald's has become the best alternative.
During the autumn of 1994 1 conducted an ethnographic survey of consumer behavior in Beijing. I discovered that the stories commonly told about McDonald's have taken on a surreal, even mythic tone. For instance, it is believed among a number of Beijing residents that the potato used by McDonald's is a cube-shaped variety. A 20-year old woman working at McDonald's told me in all seriousness about McDonald's secret, cube-shaped potatoes, the key to the corporation's worldwide success. She was also fascinated by the foreign terms she had learned in the short time she had worked there, terms such as weisi (waste), jishi (cheese), and delaisu (drive-through). The first two are straight transliterations of the English terms, but the third is both a transliteration and a free translation: it means "to get it quickly." These half-Chinese, half-English terms are used by employees and customers alike, making their experiences at McDonald's restaurants exotic, American, and to a certain extent, modern.
In this connection the ways Beijing McDonald's presents itself in public are also worth noting. By the autumn of 1994, McDonald's had not yet placed any advertisements on Beijing television. According to the General Manager, it was pointless to advertise McDonald's on television because Chinese commercials, unlike their counterparts in the West, appear only during the interval between programs. After watching one program, audiences tend to switch to another channel, which means that advertisements have little chance of being seen. Newspapers and popular magazines were regarded as a better way to present McDonald's public image. In the Beijing region, McDonald's relied on Berson-Marsteller, a transnational public relations company, to deal with the Chinese news media. The main source of information about McDonald's in China is a short booklet that sketches the history of the American-based corporation and its famous business philosophy, QSC & V, or quality, service, cleanliness, and value. The absence of what might be called hard news has led Chinese reporters to repeat McDonald's corporate philosophy of QSC & V-which, incidentally, reinforces the Chinese government's promotion of upgrading and modernizing the local business environment.
McDonald's local management has also made efforts to promote the corporation's image as an exemplar of modernity. For instance, a five-minute tour of the kitchen is provided upon request at each of the Beijing restaurants. I went on three such tours at different locations, and all were identical. My guides-McDonald's employees responsible for public relations-showed me all the machines, stoves, and other special equipment and explained how they work. I was then shown the place where employees wash their hands (following strict procedures) and the wastebins that contained food that was no longer fresh enough to meet the McDonald's standards. Throughout the five-minute tour, one message was emphasized repeatedly: McDonald's foods are cooked in accordance with strict scientific methods and are guaranteed fresh and pure.
In addition to the freshness and purity of its food, McDonald's management also emphasizes its nutritional value. In a published interview, a high-level manager maintains that the recipes for McDonald's foods are designed to meet modern scientific specifications and thus differ from the recipes for Chinese foods, which are based on cultural expectations. A central feature of this "scientifically designed" food is that it includes the main nutritional elements a human being needs daily: water, starch, protein, sugar, vitamins, and fat. Thus when one spends 10 to 15 yuan to have a standardized meal at McDonald's, one is guaranteed enough nutrition for half a day. The idea that McDonald's provides healthy food based on nutritional ingredients and scientific cooking methods has been widely accepted by both the Chinese media and the general public. In Japan, too, until the mid-1980s, McDonald's food was believed to be nutritious and healthy; it is only in recent years that the Japanese public has begun to worry about the negative effects of fast food.
Given the general eagerness for modernization, shared by both the government and ordinary people, and, in the realm of consumption, the growing appetite for all things foreign, or Western (yang), McDonald's has benefited greatly from the cultural symbolism it carries. Bolstering the "genuineness" of its food, the Beijing restaurant keeps its menu identical to that of its American counterpart. By 1994 the sale of Big Mac hamburgers accounted for 20 percent of local McDonald's sales, a figure higher than the comparable one for Taiwan." This figure has been interpreted by McDonald's management as an indicator that Beijing customers have no problem accepting American-style cuisine.
But what is it that the Beijing customers have accepted-the hamburgers or the ambience? My ethnographic inquiry reveals that whereas children are great fans of the Big Mac and french fries, most adult customers appear to be attracted to McDonald's by its American "style" rather than its food. Many people commented to me that the food was not really delicious and that the flavor of cheese was too strange to taste good. The most common complaint from adult customers was chi bu bao, meaning that McDonald's hamburgers and fries did not make one feel full; they are more like snacks than meals. I conducted a survey among students at a major university in Beijing and collected 97 completed questionnaires. Table 1 shows the informants response to two questions: (1) Is McDonald's food a formal meal or a snack? (2) Does McDonald's food make you feel full?
Only one-fourth of my informants regarded McDonald's food as a formal meal, and most of these respondents were women students (18 out of 23). Accordingly, 24 of the 29 men students (83 percent) perceived McDonald's food as snacks (xiaochi). Regarding the sensation of fullness, 54 informants (56 percent) did not feel they had had a "satisfying" meal at McDonald's, and, not surprisingly, this sentiment appeared most commonly among young men-23 of the 29 male students (79 percent)-while fewer than half the women respondents found McDonald's food unsatisfying. Those who treated McDonald's food as a formal meal were more likely to feel full: only 3 of 23 such informants complained of chi bu bao (not feeling full). One implication of the findings is that the perception of McDonald's as a provider of meals or of snacks is largely determined by the capacity of the food to make one feel full. It seems that women are more likely to feel full, and hence a larger proportion of women are ready to accept McDonald's food as a formal meal.
The Chinese food system is based on a basic division of fan (grains and other starches) and cai (vegetable and/or meat dishes). "To prepare a balanced meal, it must have an appropriate amount of both fan and ts'ai [cai], and ingredients are readied along both tracks." According to these principles, the McDonald's hamburger-a patty of meat between layers of bread-is not a properly prepared meal. As a Beijing worker commented, at best a hamburger is the equivalent of xianbing, a type of Chinese pancake with meat inside, which no one would treat as a daily meal. In Chinese terms, foods like xianbing are classified as "small eats" (xiaochi), a term close to "snack." The logic is very clear: a McDonald's hamburger is reinterpreted as a foreign (yang) form of xianbing and thus as foreign "small eats" (yang xiaochi). No doubt this is why 75 percent of my informants classified McDonald's foods as snacks, and 55 percent of them did not feel full after eating at McDonald's restaurants.
It seems ironic that although people have reservations about the food at McDonald's, they are still keen on going there. Why? Most informants said that they liked the atmosphere of the restaurant, the style of eating, and the experience of being there. In other words, the attraction of McDonald's is that it offers, not filling food, but a fulfilling experience. Or, as a local writer says, it is the culture of fast food that draws Beijing consumers to these restaurants.
In fact, before McDonald's entered the Beijing market, Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), followed by Pizza Hut, had aroused considerable consumer interest in imported fast foods. According to an early report on KFC, people did not go to KFC to eat the chicken; instead they enjoyed "eating" (consuming) the culture associated with KFC. Most customers spent hours talking to each other and gazing out the huge glass window that overlooks a busy commercial street-thereby demonstrating their sophistication to the people who passed by. Some local observers have argued that the appeal of Chinese cuisine is the taste of the food itself, and that, by contrast, Western food relies on its presentation. The popularity of imported fast food is thus taken as a demonstration that consumers are interested in the spectacle, the show, that this new form of eating permits. Prior to McDonald's opening in Beijing, the company's name was already popular among trendy consumers and it was only natural that, when the first restaurant was opened in Beijing in April 1992, thousands lined up for hours in order to partake of the experience, along with the new cuisine offered by this famous restaurant.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Golden Arches East by James L. Watson Copyright © 2006 by Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
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Product information
| Publisher | Stanford University Press |
| Publication date | March 14, 2006 |
| Edition | 2nd |
| Language | English |
| Print length | 280 pages |
| ISBN-10 | 0804749892 |
| ISBN-13 | 978-0804749893 |
| Item Weight | 11.2 ounces |
| Dimensions | 5.5 x 0.69 x 8.5 inches |
| Best Sellers Rank |
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|---|---|
| Customer Reviews | 4.4 out of 5 stars 43Reviews |
Top reviews from the United States
- 5 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Five Stars
Reviewed in the United States on July 15, 2014Format: PaperbackExcellent book!
- 4 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
You don't have to like or be interested in McDonalds
Reviewed in the United States on February 14, 2016Format: PaperbackYou don't have to like or be interested in McDonalds, East Asia, or consumer practices in the economy to enjoy this book. It's insightful and an easy read, so it's worth picking up and flipping through. The book is broken up by country/region too, so you could just read about the places that interest you most.
- 4 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Those Glorious Arches!
Reviewed in the United States on February 18, 2013Format: PaperbackThis is a marvelous collection of in-depth reviews highlighting the differences at McDonalds across the Far east. In some small ways it can be used to aid in understanding the many varied customs of countries of East Asia.
- 4 out of 5 stars
Interesting But Dated
Reviewed in the United States on January 11, 2009Format: PaperbackIt would be hard to hate this book. In classic anthropological fashion, the authors provide plenty of interesting anecdotes about the relatively exotic practices associated with East Asian McDonald's that you will probably smile at despite yourself. However, the book seems to tell us little that even a general reader probably does not already know. Ask anyone who has traveled abroad, and you will probably find out that they saw a McDonald's. After reading this book, I asked around my office, trying to gauge the presence of McDonald's outside of East Asia. One friend, who lived for several years in relatively backwards Guatemala City, said that there were at least 3 of them within a 5 minute walk of his apartment. Many others relayed the same kinds of experiences. So, although the small differences between these cultures and how they accept such a quintessentially American restaurant is interesting, it is far from surprising. Of course the Japanese accept it, and of course they also have better places to eat--they like Americans, and they have a lot of money. Of course South Koreans tend to reject it--the relationship between our states has been strained for 50 years. Not only does it ring a bit hollow in this sense, but it is also notably dated. The various studies here were researched in the early- to mid-1990's. By the time they were written, they were already out of date. The editor immediately points that out in his useful conclusion. One further issue I had is how strongly the authors, and especially the editor, make the anthropological case. I understand that this is in their nature, but I would also contend that it obscures the true merit of these studies. The problem is a kind of lack of historical sensibility. These authors here take a long view of the cultures they study, and look at a flashpoint of interaction, in an effort to judge its effect. What might be even more useful is to look at the effect of interaction over time. The cultures that they are immersed in have been in a discursive relationship with American culture for quite some time, and thus the end result that they are examining is not necessarily opposed to American culture--it has already been partially assimilated. The authors here tend to reject that. The editor states clearly that the idea of a homogeneous global culture is a fallacy, and perhaps we can accept that. But of course he would say that. This book does not provide the proof. If anything, that is a truism. In their effort to be the vanguard of local culture now, these authors have failed to address the legacy of American cultural influence in Asia before. When we move beyond the interesting details, we find truisms and repetition. To the extent that this book has high academic value, they are mostly codifying what many already instinctively or empirically recognize. Having said all of that, however, it is as entertaining as one will find in this field, and it is a useful counter-argument to what seems to be the increasingly consensual argument for American cultural imperialism.
- 1 out of 5 stars
Not second edition
Reviewed in the United States on July 17, 2014Format: PaperbackWas given the first edition. Wasn't accepted in my class and now I can't resell it anywhere.
- 4 out of 5 stars
The Anthropologist Goes To McDonald's
Reviewed in the United States on June 10, 2012Format: PaperbackKnowledge about global products is itself global. We know about them even before they are sold in a store nearby. Indeed, shaping consumer expectations is part of the strategies of global firms, and has given rise to a whole marketing industry. Everybody knows, for instance, that McDonald's restaurants are to be found in all major cities in the world, and that they provide a food service experience that is both homogeneous and predictable (if not palatable to gourmet palates!) The Golden Arches, McDonald's trademark, have become an icon of international business and popular culture, and the Big Mac a symbol of junk food and fast service. There are even talks about McJobs, McWages, and a Big Mac Index tracking exchange rates.
People who have travelled in Asia know that some fast food specialties are customized to accommodate local tastes--the Maharaja Mac contains chicken, not beef, and teriyaki burgers are to be found not only in Japan, but also in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Some McDonald's publics are specifically Asian, as witnessed by familiar scenes in ordinary restaurants: school kids in uniform having a snack on their way home or before cram school; office ladies enjoying a relaxed atmosphere; lively birthday parties during week-ends. We know the story. It has been told before: by articles in the international press, by case studies in business schools, and by direct observation when one ventures abroad. What can the reader possibly learn that he does not already know? And what can a team of anthropologists bring to the task that does not duplicate the narratives of journalists and business writers?
Such skepticism was met by the five authors of Golden Arches East when they embarked on their collective endeavor to study McDonald's restaurants in five East Asian locations. Some academic colleagues accused them of legitimizing corporate hype, or of elevating to the status of a research project what could at best be handled as a sophomore class assignment. Few took them seriously, and they had to give justifications for their choice of topic. For James L. Watson and his coauthors, studying McDonald's is not only anecdotical: "To dismiss enterprises like McDonald's as somehow unworthy of serious inquiry is not only elitist, it is also suicidal for our discipline." As an academic field attached to cultural change, anthropology has to focus on terrains where change actually takes place, and the evolution of food habits is a prime example of cultural evolution.
Besides, the fast food industry and its adaptation to East Asian urban cultures is a good test of theories that take a critical perspective on the transnational transmission of cultural norms. Is McDonald's an instrument of American imperialism, of cultural homogenization, and of commodity fetishism? In the lead author's terms: "Does the spread of fast food undermine the integrity of indigenous cuisines? Are food chains helping to create a homogenous global culture better suited to the needs of a capitalist world order?" When observing, in true anthropological fashion, people who actually eat and spend time at McDonald's, a different and more nuanced picture emerges. As James Watson underscores in his introduction, cultural adoption is a two-way street. McDonald's has indeed effected small but influential changes in East Asian dietary patterns, in ways that are more subtle than the critics of imperialism would surmise. At the same time, East Asian consumers have quietly, and in some cases stubbornly, transformed their neighborhood McDonald's into local institutions, again not always in the direction that was planned by corporate headquarters.
What strikes the reader of Golden Arches East, more than the differences and variations across the five Asian localities, are the common patterns and repetitions in different cultural contexts. Sandwiches are produced according to a rigidly uniform process detailed in a 600-pages manual. The menu served at McDonald's is broadly the same from Tokyo to Hong Kong, from Seoul to Taipei, and the local adaptations serve only to underscore the homogeneity of the service provided. Customers usually, but not always, order a standard combo of three flagship products: the Big Mac, French fries, and a Coke. As the authors note astutely, "the keystone of this winning combination is not, as most observers might assume, the Big Mac or even the generic hamburger. It is the fries."
This fact, added to the cultural trait that the hamburger is classified as bread or bun more than as meat, explains why fast food cuisine is usually considered as "snack" by Asian consumers. A proper meal must contain rice, which the McDonald's menu does not include. As a consequence, McDonald's restaurants are often used as meeting places, leasure centers, or even after-school clubs: middle school students usually sit there for hours, studying, gossiping, and picking over snacks. Another Asian characteristics is the presence of a majority of female customers. Women appreciate the relaxed atmosphere, the clean toilets, and the non-alcohol policy that keeps some noisy male customers away.
The localization process of the McDonald's franchise also follows a similar cycle that is closely correlated with the level of development and openness of a given country. The first opening of a McDonald's facility in a foreign capital is not a minor event. The startup dates (1971 in Japan, 1975 in Hong-Kong, 1984 in Taiwan, 1988 in Seoul, 1992 in Beijing) closely follows the emergence of a new urban middle class with purchasing power and cosmopolitan tastes. The first McDonald's are usually located in prestigious districts (Ginza in Tokyo, Tiananmen in Beijing) and are first perceived as upmarket restaurants offering American cuisine (and culture) to a new class of young entrepreneurs and professionals who can afford the experience. These yuppies and foreigners are quickly followed by thrill-seeking teenagers and by young couples looking for a romantic date spot. Children are also prime movers in the creation of McDonald's East Asian clienteles. It is they who bring their parents or grandparents to the franchise, which offers a child-friendly environment complete with a play corner, birthday party salons, and iconic characters like Ronald McDonald or his female companion Auntie McDonald.
During this first phase of installation, McDonald's employees have to "educate" customers to the rules of fast food restaurants. During McDonald's first weeks of operation in Moscow, employees distributed information sheets to people standing in queues, telling them how to order and what to do after paying. The first discipline is to form a line in front of cashiers: in Hong Kong during the 1970s, customers packed themselves into disorderly scrums and jostled for a chance to place their orders. Similarly, customers at first generally do not bus their own trays and leave without attending to their own rubbish. Napkins placed in public dispensers disappear faster than they can be replaced. Without guidance, elderly people are likely to disassemble the Big Mac layer by layer, and eat only these parts that appeal to them.
After several years, when local managers think their business is well established, new items are introduced in the menu to suit local tastes in order to boost sales. The street-corner McDonald's restaurant is transformed from an essentially "foreign" setting into a place at once familiar and indigenous. The transformation from exotic to ordinary repeats itself across fast-growing East Asia at ten or twenty years intervals. Today it has become hard to convince a Taiwanese or a Korean child, whose favorite venue for birthday parties is McDonald's, that hamburgers are not part of the local food culture. McDonald's restaurants in most major Asian cities are packed wall-to-wall with people of all ages, few of whom are seeking an American cultural experience. For many people however, particularly in the politically sensitive contexts of Korea or China, McDonald's is not simply a corporation: it is also a representation of "the West" or "America". Some intellectuals see it as a symbol of American cultural imperialism--defined as the encroachment of cultural practices and values that reflect American political and economic power.
Are they right? Obviously much more than cuisine is involved when McDonald's first comes to town. It is a signal that the country is open for business, and that its citizens are wholeheartedly embracing globalization. They are buying much more than food, even if food is all that McDonald's is selling. As Stephen Mintz argues in the closing chapter, "Goods are embedded in their culture of origin; their introduction into a different culture is more than a simple importation of commodities." The McDonald's experience embodies quintessential American values: it is fun, friendly, and familiar. Consumers are treated based on the principles of individualism and equality, especially between male and female customers. The restaurants reflect cleanliness, efficiency, transparency, and economy. These features affect the way in which such food service is perceived by people in the host culture.
The cultural transplant sometimes creates misunderstandings. In Hong Kong for instance, people are suspicious of anyone who displays what is perceived to be an excess of congeniality. The visible smile that McDonald's employees were instructed to wear could be tantamount to a challenge. Similar reactions are reported by contributors who worked in Taiwan and Korea. In fact, the longer McDonald's operates in an East Asian city, the less evident are the forced smiles. Consumers are far more concerned with efficiency, reliability, and hygiene. And the penetration of American influence that intellectuals associate with McDonald's does not seem to bother ordinary customers. As Watson concludes his chapter on Hong Kong, "Having watched the process of culture change unfold for nearly thirty years, it is apparent to me that the ordinary people of Hong Kong have most assuredly not been stripped of their cultural heritage, nor have they become the uncomprehending dupes of transnational corporations."
As a last comment, Golden Arches East also reflects the fast pace of change in East Asia. Based on fieldwork conducted in the early 1990s, many chapters have become completely obsolete or have acquired historical value as testimonies of a bygone era. It is hard to imagine the long queues that formed when McDonald's opened its first restaurant in Beijing in 1994; and the pocket bells or "pokeberu" carried by Japanese school children have long been relegated to history's dustbin. The chapters on Korea and on Taiwan also heavily bear the mark of the times. The first was written during the "rice wars" when Korean farmers protested against foreign food imports, taking McDonald's as a symbol of the loss of Korean identity. The chapter on Taiwan also reflects the politics of identity that opposed cosmopolitans from the mainland to Taiwanese natives reconnecting with their roots by chewing betel nuts.
This historical context may explain why the book somehow overestimates the role of politics and does not devote enough attention to the "theater of the familiar" that fast food restaurants have now become. Meanwhile, yuppies in Tokyo, Shanghai and Hong Kong have upgraded to the Michelin guide, whose publication in select major Asian cities has been accompanied by much publicity and debates. An anthropology of the impact that the famous red guide has had on haute cuisine in the Asian cities where it was launched, remains to be written.
Top reviews from other countries
SBuckle3 out of 5 starsVerified PurchaseGolden Arches
Reviewed in Canada on August 21, 2010Format: PaperbackUsing MacDonalds as the the globalizing entity, Watson and co. look at the way the restaurant has been adopted and adapted in varying ways by Eastern nations. It's an amazing cultural study that, at least to this reader, shows that globalization doesn't export a standard, rigid cultural product, but that products goes through a series of altering and readjusting to suit the specific area.
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