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Romano-Frankish interaction in the Lower Rhine frontier zone from the late 3rd to the 5th century – Some key archaeological trends explored

Profile image of Nico RoymansNico Roymans

2021, Germania 99, pp. 133-156

https://doi.org/10.11588/GER.2021.92212
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30 pages

Abstract

Abstract: Romano-Frankish interaction in the Lower Rhine frontier zone from the late 3rd to the 5th century – Some key archaeological trends explored This paper presents a case study on the development of the Lower Rhine region from the late 3rd to the 5th century AD. The focus is on the province of Germania secunda and the adjacent areas east and north of the Rhine with a special attention for the RomanoFrankish interaction. Four interrelated themes are discussed: 1. the widespread depopulation of the countryside in the northern half of Germania secunda in the late 3rd century; 2. the question of the Limesfall in the same period; 3. the influx of new Frankish immigrant groups in the late 4th and early 5th century, and 4. the draining of Roman gold to the Lower Rhine frontier in the same phase. On the basis of these developments we gain a better picture of the rise and transformation of Frankish groups. These groups underwent a process of increasing hierarchisation and militarisation during the Late Roman period and this process was closely tied to intense interaction – both friendly and hostile – with the Roman Empire. From this perspective, the Franks can be regarded as a ‘product’ of the Late Roman frontier.

Key takeaways
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  1. The Romano-Frankish interaction transformed social hierarchies in Germania secunda from the late 3rd to 5th century.
  2. Significant depopulation occurred in northern Germania secunda's countryside during the late 3rd century.
  3. Gold flows to the Lower Rhine frontier peaked in the early 5th century, correlating with Frankish settlement.
  4. The Franks evolved from subjugated groups to federate allies, influencing Roman military and social structures.
  5. Archaeological evidence challenges the traditional Limesfall theory for the Lower Rhine in the late 3rd century.

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  63. F. Theuws, ‚terra non est'. Zentralsiedlun- gen der Völkerwanderungszeit im Maas- Rhein-Gebiet. In: H. Steuer / V. Bierbrauer (eds), Höhensiedlungen zwischen Antike und Mittelalter von den Ardennen bis zur Adria. RGA Ergbd. 58 (Berlin, New York 2008) 765-793. doi: https://doi. org/10.1515/9783110211856.765. Vanderhoeven 2017 A. Vanderhoeven, The Late Roman town of Tongeren. In: Roymans et al. 2017, 127- 148. Verhagen / Heeren 2016 J. Verhagen / St. Heeren, 'Castra Herculis: de naam van de Romeinse militaire verster- king in Nijmegen herontdekt'. Westerheem 65, 2016, 239-49.
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  70. Romano-Frankish interaction in the Lower Rhine frontier zone, 3 rd -5 th cent. Willems 1986 W. J. H. Willems, Romans and Batavians: A Regional Study in the Dutch Eastern River Area (Amersfoort 1986). Willems et al. 2009 W. J. H. Willems / H. Van Enckevort / J. R. A. M. Thijssen, Romans and Franks: changes in late antiquity. In: W. J. H. Wil- lems / H. van Enckevort (eds), VLPIA NOVIOMAGVS Roman Nijmegen. The Batavian capital at the imperial frontier. Jour- nal Roman Arch., Suppl. 73 (Portsmouth 2009) 95-105.
  71. Zöllner 1970 E. Zöllner, Geschichte der Franken bis zur Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts (Munich 1970). Abstract: Romano-Frankish interaction in the Lower Rhine frontier zone from the late 3 rd to the 5 th century -Some key archaeological trends explored

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What explains the large-scale depopulation in the Lower Rhine region during the 3rd century?add

The study reveals significant rural depopulation due to factors like civil wars and potential forced deportations, leading to a near-complete absence of habitation in many areas by the late 3rd century.

How did the influx of new immigrant groups affect Lower Rhine settlements?add

Research indicates a notable shift in settlement patterns around AD 400, with new three-aisled buildings emerging, suggesting a strong influence from northern settlers post-depopulation.

What are the implications of Roman gold influx on Frankish group power dynamics?add

The influx of Roman gold, particularly noticeable in the early 5th century, underscores the growing power of Frankish warlords, as it fostered social hierarchization and military alliances.

How does the study challenge the Limesfall theory in the Lower Rhine?add

The evidence suggests a continuous function of military installations during the 4th century, contradicting the Limesfall narrative previously accepted and highlighting ongoing interactions with Frankish groups.

When did Frankish groups transition to federate status with the Roman Empire?add

The transition began in the late 4th century, coinciding with substantial gold payments to Frankish allies, marking a shift from subordination to military partnerships.

About the author
Nico Roymans
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Faculty Member

My main field of interest are pre-Roman Celto- Germanic societies in NW Europe and their integration into the Roman empire. I was trained as an archaeologist, but I am trying to employ an historical-anthropological perspective. At this moment I am preparing a study on the gold circulation and imperial power in the Late Roman North, and on Caesar's Gallic conquest and the archaeology of mass violence and genocide.

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2017: Roymans / Heeren: The Late Roman solidus hoard from Lienden. A window on Romano-Frankish contacts in the mid 5th century Lower Rhine region
Stijn Heeren, Nico Roymans

Beiträge werden erbeten an die Mitglieder der Redaktion oder an das Römisch-Germanische Zentral museum, Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2, 55116 Mainz, [email protected] Die mit Abbildungen, einer kurzen Zusammenfassung und der Anschrift der Autorinnen und Autoren versehenen Manuskripte dürfen im Druck 20 Seiten nicht überschreiten. Die Redaktion bittet um eine allgemein verständ liche Zitierweise (naturwissenschaftlich oder in Endnoten) und verweist dazu auf folgende Richtlinien: http://web.rgzm.de/publikationen/verlagsprogramm/zeitschriften/archaeologischeskorrespondenzblatt.html Die Beiträge des Archäologischen Korrespondenzblatts stehen ein Jahr nach Erscheinen der Printausgabe auch Open Access zur Verfügung und sind dank einer Kooperation mit der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg unter folgendem Link abrufbar:

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Role of Geography, Roman Institutions and the Rhineland in the Frankish Conquest of Gaul
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This study focuses on the period of rapid change that attended the end of Roman political power in Gaul after 476, centering around the Franks who filled that vacuum. The ways in which power was obtained and maintained over the Roman population and other Germanic tribes will be observed primarily through the reign of Clovis I (481-511 CE) as it laid the foundations built upon by later Merovingian rulers. This paper will examine the factors most commonly attributed by modern historians for Frankish political gains, such as the inheritance of Roman institutions and the Catholic compatibility of Franks and Gallo-Romans. It will also show that there were further elements that possibly played an integral part in Frankish domination such as a high degree of Romanization prior to conquest, a positive disposition of Romans toward Franks, inherited military prowess, the continued control over homelands, and natural geographic advantages. It will be revealed that these elements possibly played a larger part in Frankish expansion than history usually gives credence.

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Roman troops of Germanic descent in limes forts?: Back to Scheveningseweg and other garrisons along the Lower Rhine in the third century AD
Stijn Heeren

2019

Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Heeren, S., & van der Feijst, L. M. B. (2019). Roman troops of Germanic descent in limes forts? Back to Scheveningseweg and other garrisons along the Lower Rhine in the third century AD. In R. J. van Zoolingen (Ed.), AB HARENIS INCVLTIS: Artikelen voor Ab Waasdorp (pp. 154-164). Gemeente Den Haag, afdeling Archeologie. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

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Romanness at the fringes of the Frankish Empire: The strange case of Bavaria
Katharina Winckler

Transformations of Romanness

Onoulfus verop raecepto fratris admonitus universos iussit ad Italiam migrare Romanos.¹ When writing this sentencei n5 11, Eugippius had ac lear perception of who was Roman and who was not.² Anachronistically, he makes Severin predict alreadyi n 480 that the Romani of Noricum ripense,i nw hat is now uppera nd lower Austria, will migrate to Romani soli provinciam-as if the Roman Empire had alreadydisintegrated and if the Italian peninsula was the onlyh ome-country of the Romans.³ In contrast to this account,the archaeology tells us thatt he life of the provincial populationwent on.⁴ In some cases the continuity in formerR oman cities is alsod ocumented by accounts in Carolingian times. Lauriacum, Iuvavum and even Teurnia,the formercapital of Noricum mediterraneum,lived on in the texts,though as settlements clearlyi nd ifferent and much reduced forms.⁵ By the beginning of the sixth century the RomanEmpire, as an organization and apoint of referencefor the identity of the former provincial population, disappeared from this area. All sources from the sixth and seventh centuries describe the region as being under Frankish influence. The inhabitants are called Bavarians and, later in the eastern parts of Noricum, Slavs and Avars.⁶ Around 200y ears later,i nt he mideighth century,the territory of the earlymedievalBavarian duchycomprised roughly one half of the RomanprovinceofNoricum and one half of Raetia. In the eighth century,Bavaria expanded and acquired territory in the former region of Venetia et Histria,inthe now Slavic parts of Noricum and latereveninPannonia.⁷ Also some areas north of the Danubew erep arto fB avaria, areas that had never been under Roman rule.⁸ At first sight,all aspects of Romanness have left the area: by the eighth century a Germanicl anguagew as the main languages poken and Bavarian politics looked to- Eugippius, Vita Severini 44,ed. Noll, 112: Onulfus orderedbycommand of his brother all Romans to migrate to Italy.  Even ac onverted catholic and long-time monk was signified as barbarus genere. (Eugippius, Vita Severini 35,1,e d. Noll, 100).  Eugippius, Vita Severini 31, ed. Noll, 98. Eugippius evokesthis imagebyequatingthe Romanswith the chosen people of the Old Testament whos et out for the Holy Land. This shows the exegetical background of the text, but nevertheless it remains at ellingp icture.

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Tedo Dundua, Leri Tavadze. FRANKISH LIMITANEI IN LAZICA. Journal Phasis. VOL 12. (2009).
Tedo Dundua

FRANKISH LIMITANEI IN LAZICA, 2009

Before being totally destroyed, Imperial security system actually had shown three gradual phases of development. Huge number of the Italian colonists with the best technologies, swift and comfortable communications, the most prominent industrial output, Roman citizenship, municipal freedom – that was the Roman gift for the Western provinces in the 1st-2nd centuries A. D. Sincere intimacy with the metropolis had been founded as a direct result of complete satisfaction. It paved the way to the Romanization. As for the Greeks, the Romans reserved a quite life and economic stability. Still beyond the Roman Rhine, Danube and Pontus there were others favouring to this concept of Pan-European integration. The happy client kings used to be awarded with the Roman citizenship. And for the Julio-Claudians, these client kingdoms formed the first defense-line of the Imperial territories. A little behind, the whole perimeter had been dotted by solid legionary concentrations, proving the system to be impregnable. No cardinal changes took place in the Antonine era, except of annexation of the client kingdoms and breaking the big concentrations in favour of scattering the legions along the whole frontier. In the both cases, after defeating comparatively weak enemy at the border, the Romans usually attacked their territory. This system of security is called forward defense. Greeks and the Romans were sending more and more hands towards industry, but not to manufacture the means of production. As a result, population was growing, but not amount of industrial goods per capita. Prices rushed high for the Italian produce, demanding damping for provincial food and raw materials, thus weakening the sympathies between the European subjects of the Roman Empire. Some even started to search for a relief beyond Rhine and Danube. Many things had happened that completely changed the defensive strategy, namely: 1. economic crisis; 2. weakening of the integratory links; 3. socio-economic animation of ‘Barbaricum’; 4. financial chaos and some professional regiments converted into limitanei. From now they are to stand the first strike and evacuate the whole frontier folk into citadels, thus wearing down the enemy. And there were large and mobile field armies deployed far behind that self-contained strongholds to cut down any invasion into the depth. This system shaped in the times of Diocletian is called defense-in-depth. But before this new system was finally established, the Romans had been fighting those already easily passing the border wherever they could manage to concentrate large army-units. In the early days of Empire, Praetorians formed the only imperial reserve. And now Gallienus recruited special mobile reserve-regiments. Name for the defensive system is elastic defense. Security-system had to be changed at least because of emergence of the Germanic seaborne attacks from the 3rd century everywhere at the seas that prolonged the line of the frontier.[1] Full-time units, legions, alae of cavalry, cohortes of infantry and mixed cohortes equitatae served the forward defense-system. Part-time border force of limitanei had appeared and auxiliary alae and cohorts had disappeared; and regular mobile reserve – comitatenses – substituted legions, fixed at the border. All they served new security system – defense-in-depth. The whole 3rd century saw these changes, finally shaped in the times of Constantine I. Septimius Severus was the first to form a certain kind of reserve. He stationed II Parthica in Albanum, increased Praetorian and Urban cohorts in number. And Gallienus created special cavalry units to serve as a reserve.[2] In the 3rd century large federations of Franki and Alemanni began to threaten the Rhine-frontier. And the Goths had already reached Dniester by 238.[3] Franks attacked Gaul, Alemanns – Italy. From the great deeds of Emperor M. Aurelius Probus (276-282) the most important is the deliverance of seventy Gaulic cities. He drove back Franks and Alemanns, four hundred thousand of them being killed. Probus passed the Rhine, and returned back with considerable tribute of corn, cattle, and horses. Sixteen thousand Germanic recruits were dispersed among the Roman units. Other captive or fugitive barbarians gained a new status, that of part-time peasant-soldiers (limitanei). Emperor transported a considerable body of Vandals into Cambridgeshire, great number of Franks and Gepidae were settled on the banks of the Danube and the Rhine, Bastarnae – in Thrace. Pontic (The Black Sea) coast was reserved for some more Franks.[4] But which one exactly? This is to be discussed. According to Ed. Gibbon, Franks settled at the sea-coast of Pontus had to check the Alani inroads. A fleet stationed in one of the harbors of the Euxine fell into their hands, and they resolved, through unknown seas, to explore their way from the mouth of Phasis (River Rioni in the West Georgia, Ancient Colchis/Lazica – T. D.) to that of the Rhine. They easily escaped through the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, and cruising along the Mediterranean, indulged their appetite for revenge and plunder by frequent descents on the shores of Asia, Greece and Africa. City of Syracuse was sacked by the Barbarians. Franks proceeded to the columns of Hercules, coasted round Spain and Gaul, and steering their course through the British channel, at length finished their voyage by landing in safety on the Batavian or Frisian shores.[5] What is this whole story based on? Zosimus and one panegyric to Constantius Chlorus contributed to it. Narrating about the events in the past, in the times of divine Probus, author of this panegyric mentions undeserved success of the small Frankish band, who, sailing from Pontus on the captured fleet, ravished Greece and Asia, damaged Africa, stormed Syracuse, and passing through the columns of the Hercules, reached the ocean (‘Recursabat quippe in animos illa sub diuo Probo paucorum ex Francis captiuorum incredibilis audacia et indigna felicitas, qui a Ponto usque correptis nauibus Graeciam Asiamque populati nec impune plerisque Libyae litoribus appulsi ipsas postremo naualibus quondam uictoriis nobiles ceperant Syracusas et immenso itinere peruecti oceanum, qua terras irrumpit, intrauerant atque ita euentu temeritatis ostenderant nihil esse clausum piraticae desperationi, quo nauigiis pateret accessus’).[6] Zosimus tells us about the Franks having applied to the Emperor, and having a country given to them. A part of them afterwards revolted, and having collected a great number of ships, disturbed all Greece; from whence they proceeded into Sicily, to Syracuse, which they attacked, and killed many people there. At length they arrived in Africa, whence though they were repulsed by a body of men from Carthage, yet they returned home without any great loss.[7] There is no mention of mouth of the river of Phasis as a spring-board for the expedition in the sources. Then, what was in Gibbon’s mind? Perhaps, logics, excluding the possibilities. Indeed, the Northern Black Sea coast is beyond the Roman rule. The Western shores, and the Balkans are already packed with the Barbarians. Southern littoral had been less used for receptio. While Lazica and Pontic Limes can not be argued. And something strange had happened to this limes in the 3rd century. Now threat comes not from the front, the Romans have Lazi client king dwelling there, but – from behind, because of the Goths living at the Northern shores. We can only guess that the Franks were in Lazica as limitanei. But we really know nothing about how they were coordinating with the full-time units, their number before and after the revolt, what was the life like for those who stayed loyal. Still, it seems quite reasonable that the bargain of receptio-system should had been distributed among all Roman provinces to keep the centre undisturbed from the Barbaric influx. In the 3rd century Empire is able to do this, not after.

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Related topics

  • Late Roman Archaeology
  • Roman Limes
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