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Ancient History

A Royal Star: On the “Miracle of the Star” in Thutmoses III's Gebel Barkal Stela and a Note on the King as a Star in Personal Names

Profile image of Andreas WinklerAndreas Winkler

2013, Revue dÉgyptologie 64 (2013)

https://doi.org/10.2143/RE.64.0.3011336
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19 pages

Abstract
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This paper investigates the narrative surrounding the "Miracle of the Star" in the inscription of Thutmoses III at the Gebel Barkal Stela. It examines various interpretations of the star described in Urk. IV, which range from celestial phenomena to divine intervention signifying Egyptian victory. Furthermore, the work explores the implications of identifying the king with the star in personal names, delving into the complexities of ancient Egyptian beliefs and the significance attributed to celestial events.

Key takeaways
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  1. The star in Thutmoses III's stela symbolizes Egyptian victory and possibly divine intervention.
  2. Scholars debate the star's nature, proposing interpretations ranging from a comet to ball lightning.
  3. The text indicates a nocturnal attack by Egyptians on enemy forces during the second hour of night.
  4. The episode illustrates the king's identification with a star, reinforcing his role as a celestial warrior.
  5. Personal names from the Middle Kingdom reference the king as a star, indicating a cultural significance.
Figures (1)
* T would like to thank John Baines (Oxford), Ake Engsheden (Uppsala) and Roman Gundacker (Vienna) for havin; contributed to this article. I would also like to thank Brendan Haug (Berkeley) for having improved my English. Any mis: take is the responsibility of the author. | There are various interpretations for this episode but the exact location of the battle described is seldom discussed (e.g. A. Spalinger, Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians [YNER 9], 1983, p. 205). D. Meeks, LA IV. 117, understands the episodes as referring to a Nubian campaign. More plausible, however, are the suggestions of P. Lundh. Actor and Event (USE 2), 2002, p. 200 sq., and D. Redford, The Wars in Syria and Palestine of Thutmoses III (CHANE 16), 2003, p. 113, n. 43. S. M. Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East (BZAW 177), 1989, p. 104. thinks of the episode as being part of the first Syrian campaign, but he does not provide any argument for this identification. One of the more famous episodes in the Gebel Barkal Stela of Pharaoh Thutmoses III is often referred to as the “Miracle of the Star” or similar (Urk. IV, 1238, 4-1239, 11). It might be assumed that the section rendered as a speech of the king to his Nubian subjects describes a campaign in the Levant. The exact battle or campaign which it concerns is unknown because the identity of the enemy is not mentioned explicitly.! might be assumed that the section rendered as a speech of the king to his Nubian subjects
* T would like to thank John Baines (Oxford), Ake Engsheden (Uppsala) and Roman Gundacker (Vienna) for havin; contributed to this article. I would also like to thank Brendan Haug (Berkeley) for having improved my English. Any mis: take is the responsibility of the author. | There are various interpretations for this episode but the exact location of the battle described is seldom discussed (e.g. A. Spalinger, Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians [YNER 9], 1983, p. 205). D. Meeks, LA IV. 117, understands the episodes as referring to a Nubian campaign. More plausible, however, are the suggestions of P. Lundh. Actor and Event (USE 2), 2002, p. 200 sq., and D. Redford, The Wars in Syria and Palestine of Thutmoses III (CHANE 16), 2003, p. 113, n. 43. S. M. Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East (BZAW 177), 1989, p. 104. thinks of the episode as being part of the first Syrian campaign, but he does not provide any argument for this identification. One of the more famous episodes in the Gebel Barkal Stela of Pharaoh Thutmoses III is often referred to as the “Miracle of the Star” or similar (Urk. IV, 1238, 4-1239, 11). It might be assumed that the section rendered as a speech of the king to his Nubian subjects describes a campaign in the Levant. The exact battle or campaign which it concerns is unknown because the identity of the enemy is not mentioned explicitly.! might be assumed that the section rendered as a speech of the king to his Nubian subjects

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References (63)

  1. H. Brunner, op. cit., p. 226, n. 15; L. Kákosy, Oikumene (B) 3 (1982), p. 191; G. Vittmann, GM 29 (1978), p. 150.
  2. H. Brunner, op. cit., p. 225; L. Kákosy, op. cit., p. 188; J. Van Dijk (ed.), Essays on Ancient Egypt in Honour of Herman Te Velde (EM 1), 1997, p. 223; J. Fr. Quack, in H. Beinlich et al. (eds.), 5. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung, Würzburg, 23. -26. September 1999 (ÄAT 33/3), 2002, p. 169, n. 42.
  3. R. Van der Molen, A Hieroglyphic Dictionary of Egyptian Coffin Texts (ProblÄg 15), 2000, p. 470.
  4. E.g. KRI I, 111, 9 (the king identifies himself as a star by the side of his father Re, );
  5. KRI II, 433, 5 ( ); cf. also KRI V, 62, 13 and 64, 10.
  6. S. Sauneron, in G. Posener et al. (eds.), Dictionnaire de la civilisation égyptienne, 1970 2 , p. 30.
  7. D. Meeks, op. cit., col. 117 sq.
  8. P. Der Manuelian, in D. Connor -E. H. Cline (eds.), Thutmose III -A New Biography, 2006, p. 415.
  9. From "I (the king) slew" to "It (the star) slew". B. Cumming, loc. cit.
  10. Ibid.
  11. B. Cumming, op. cit., p. 4 and 7; G. A. Reisner -M. B. Reisner, "Inscribed Monuments from Gebel Barkal", ZÄS 69 (1933), p. 35; H. Wild, BIFAO 69 (1971), p. 125, n. 1.
  12. E.g. P. Beylage, op. cit., p. 197, 614, 669; E. Graefe, op. cit., p. 115; W. Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie.
  13. Übersetzungen, 1961, p. 10, n. 6; A. Klug, op. cit., p. 202, n. 1567; D. Redford, op. cit., p. 112.
  14. W. Helck, op. cit., p. 10.
  15. W. Helck, op. cit., p. 10, n. 5
  16. J. Fr. Quack, LingAeg 3 (1993), p. 70.
  17. D. Redford, loc. cit.
  18. B. Cumming, op. cit., p. 7.
  19. H. Wild, loc. cit.
  20. K. Daoud, JEA 79 (1993), p. 262 sq.
  21. E.g. P. Beylage, op. cit., p. 197, n. 614; W. Helck, op. cit., p. 10, n. 6.
  22. A. Klug, op. cit., 202; G. A. Reisner -M. B. Reisner, loc. cit.
  23. E. Hornung, Nacht und Finsternis im Weltbild der alten Ägypter, 1956, p. 97-99; id., StudGener 18 (1965), p. 82;
  24. LÄ IV, 291 sq., n. 4, assumes that there were no attestations of such a practice in Ancient Egypt. See P. Beylage, op. cit., p. 669, n. 2359 sq. for this episode.
  25. H. Brunner, op. cit., p. 225 sq.; L. Kákosy, Oikumene (B) 3, p. 188; id., in Van Dijk (ed.), Essays on Ancient Egypt, p. 223; J. Fr. Quack, in H. Beinlich et al. (eds.), 5. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung, 2002, p. 169, n. 42. 38 J. Fr. Quack, LingAeg 3, p. 69. Cf. also A. Spalinger, op. cit., p. 56 sq.
  26. L. Depuydt, JAC 13 (1998), p. 39-46; D. Franke, GM 165 (1998), p. 51-56.
  27. P. Beylage, op. cit., p. 669.
  28. P. Beylage, loc. cit.
  29. A. Klug, op. cit., p. 207.
  30. Near Eastern examples of nocturnal encounters or sneak attacks are known (e.g. R. Borger, BIWA, B § 20 and 27;
  31. KUB IV: 4, col. III: 17-IV: 37). Also the Bible gives several references to such fights (Gen. 14:15; Judg. 7:9; Judg. 9:34;
  32. Sam. 14:36;
  33. Kings. 8:21; Jer. 6:5).
  34. E.g. Ägypter und Amazonen IV, 8; cf. also n. 36 supra. 46 It might be noted that the description of the attack is strikingly similar to § § 133-142 of the Qadesh inscriptions. 47 Cf. H. Grapow, Die bildlichen Ausdrucke des Aegyptischen, 1924, p. 49 sq.
  35. For Irina, see D. Redford, op. cit., p. 85 sq.; P. Lundh op. cit., p. 99-101. However, allusions to fleeing horses are made in Urk. IV, 697, 16. This might correspond to the event described in Urk. IV, 1239, 1.
  36. P. Lundh, op. cit., p. 201.
  37. p. 105-107). When used as a part of the king's titulature, it often stands in connection with other royal epithets such as (e.g. Urk. IV, 1701, 2, 12; KRI I, 200, 5), as in the example quoted by Blumenthal. L. Habachi, The Second Stelae of Kamose and His Struggle against the Hyksos Ruler and His Capital (ADAIK 8), 1972, p. 44, n. b, disapproves and argues for translating the title as "conductor of the two lands" rather than "star of the two lands". He likely misunderstands the discussed instance, however. D. Redford, in E. D. Oren (ed.), The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives, 1997, p. 15 and 30, n. 159, compellingly argues that in the Kamose Stela is to be read as a the name of a ship, which he translates as "Star of the Two Lands" (cf. also n. 75 infra).
  38. E. Blumenthal, loc. cit.; E. Hirsch, op. cit., p. 107 sq. and 147.
  39. LGG VI, 152 and 292. Cf. also KRI II, 854, 4-8.
  40. N. Grimal, op. cit., p. 67 sq., 274 and 277 sq.; D. Redford, in D. Connor -E. H. Cline (eds.), Thutmose III -A New Biography, 2006, p. 338.
  41. E.g. R. O. Faulkner, JNES 25 (1966), p. 153-161; H. Grapow, op. cit., p. 37; R. Krauss, Astronomische Konzepte und Jenseitsvorstellungen in den Pyramidentexten (ÄA 59), 1997, passim; A. Volten, MDAIK 16 (1958), p. 346-66.
  42. B. Cumming, op. cit., p. 6; R. O. Faulkner, JEA 54 (1968), p. 41; id., The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, 1969, p. 174; id., JEA 59 (1973), p. 219; R. Krauss, op. cit., p. 104 sq.
  43. J. P. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Writings from the Ancient World 23), 2005, p. 134; J. G. Griffiths, JEA 56 (1970), p. 194 sq.; S. Mercer, The Pyramid Texts I, 1952, p. 182; K. Sethe, Übersetzung und Kommentar zu den altägyptischen Pyramidentexten, IV, 1962, p. 325 sq. 61 There are also other instances in the pyramid corpus where the king is said to ssd in relation to stellar themes, e.g.
  44. Pyr. 466 ( § 883d) 467 ( § 889) and 574 ( § 1490). In these cases the translation "to be adorned" seems to be the most appro- priate one (cf. J. P. Allen, op. cit., p. 455).
  45. E.g. The Chronicles of Prince Osorkon (B2), … m.t(w) m ̨.w=f Ìr wrjj.t mj Ìr ssd: " … whose body upon the chariot is viewed as a dashing star" (cf. G. Broekman, JEH 1 [2008], p. 214; R. Caminos, The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon [AnOr 37], 1958, p. 80-82;
  46. R. Ritner, The Libyan Anarchy. Inscriptions from Egypt's Third Intermediate Period [Writings from the Ancient World 21], 2009, p. 359 sq.).
  47. Cf. J. Osing, op. cit., p. 619 and 628; W. Schenkel, op. cit, p. 212 and 216, for the plural.
  48. J. C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity (OBO 198), 2004, p. 281, n. 30; LGG VI, 241. 89 B. M. Bryan -A. P. Kozloff, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and His World, 1992, p. 242 sq.
  49. É. Drioton, RdE 1 (1933), p. 21, who, however, understands the reading as depending on acrophony. 91 J. C. Darnell, op. cit., p. 453 sq.
  50. R. Caminos, op. cit., p. 81. Similar spellings are frequent in the Graeco-Roman Period (e.g. H. W. Fairman, BIFAO 43 [1945], p. 113; Fr.-R. Herbin, Le Livre de parcourir d'éternité [OLA 58], 1994, p. 399, 499).
  51. J. Vergote, BiOr 18 (1961), 209 sq. Other reconstructions are offered by G. Fecht, op. cit., p. 17-42;
  52. W. Schenkel, GM 94 (1986), p. 57-73.
  53. Chr. M. Zivie-Coche, op. cit., p. 105; H. Grapow, op. cit., p. 31; N. Grimal, op. cit., p. 425, n. 1453. 95 Regrettably the name is written without a personal determinative, which makes its interpretation disputable. does not contain such a determinative. The determinative provided by Schmidt is likely an error for or similar.
  54. PN I, 306 (23);
  55. PN III, 115; M. Thirion, RdE 52 (2001), p. 271.
  56. There are two New Kingdom names that can be connected with Sothis, with the goddess being referred to by anal- ogy (stipulating they have been correctly deciphered). The names are the masculine Î.t-sbjj.t (PN II, 304
  57. and the feminine Înw.t(=j)-mj-sbjj.t (PN I, 243 [12]). A variant of this name is also attested with- out the nisbe-ending (PN I, 243 [11]) and a comparable name is , which has been understood as Înw.t(=j)-mj- dw.w (PN II, 306 [1]). Whether these instances are one and the same name or are two distinct names cannot at be deter- mined (N. Strudwick, The tombs of Amenhotep, Khnummose, and Amenmose at Thebes: (nos. 294, 253, and 254), I, 1996, p. 24). The beginning of the love poem found in pChester-Beatty I (col 1:1) contains what has been understood as a meto- nymic allusion to Sothis. The lover compares his beloved one to the starry one, ptrj s.t mj ̨j m Ì.t rnp.t nfr.t: "Look, she is like the rising starry one in the beginning of a good year". The starry one has been identified with Sothis because of the connection with the beginning of the year. Most commentators have accepted this interpretation (e.g.
  58. M. V. Fox, The Song of Songs. Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 1985, p. 52 and 56; L. Kákosy, in L. Kákosy -E. Gaal (ed.), Studia aegyptiaca 2, 1976, p. 43; A. A. Maravelia, LingAeg 11 [2003], p. 103; B. Mathieu, La poésie amoureuse de l'Égypte ancienne. Recherches sur un genre littéraire au Nouvel Empire [BdE 115], 1996, p. 36). LGG VI, 243, however, identifies the starry one as another goddess, the personification of the 11 th hour in the Amduat. Cf. also R. Krauss, Sothis- und Monddaten. Studien zur astronomischen und techexamples with anischen Chronologie Altägyptens (HÄB 20), 1985, p. 37 sq. Explicit references to the identification of Hathor with Sothis are, however, firstly found during the Graeco- Roman Period (LGG VI, 292).
  59. J. von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen (MÄS 49), 1999, p. 3-6 and 26.
  60. A. Gasse, op. cit., p. 202 sq. See A. Leahy, in A. B. Lloyd (ed.), Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honour of J. Gwyn Griffiths (EES OP 8), 1992, p. 146, n. 8, for references to Psusennes as a personal name.
  61. M. Collier, Dating late XIX th Dynasty Ostraca (EU 18), 2004, p. 136 sq.; B. G. Davies, Who's Who at Deir el- Medina (EU 14), 1999, p. 190 sq.; M. Gutgesell, Die Datierung der Ostraka und Papyri aus Deir el-Medineh und ihre ökonomische Interpretation (HÄB 44), II, 2002, p. 194.
  62. E.g. M. Bierbrier, in R. J. Demarée -A. Egberts (eds.), Village Voices. Proceedings of the Symposium Texts from Deir el-Medîna and their Interpretation, Leiden, May 31 -June 1, 1991 (CNWS Publications 13), 1992, p. 3 sq.; P. Grandet, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deîr el-Médîneh. Tome XI. N os 10124-10275 (DFIFAO 49), 2010, p. 209. 112 Though, the orthography is relatively common in hieroglyphic spellings of the word in the Graeco-Roman Period (cf. D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische. Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken, I, 2009, p. 495). 113
  63. Chr. M. Zivie-Coche, op. cit., p. 106. 114 Cf. n. 76 supra.

FAQs

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What celestial phenomena were proposed to explain the star mentioned in the stela?add

Various interpretations include a comet, meteor, meteorite, or ball lightning, highlighting the star's unusual character. Scholars like S. Sauneron suggest Halley's comet, while D. Meeks advocates for ball lightning due to its potential damage.

How does the depiction of the king as a star influence interpretations of Egyptian victories?add

The king's identification with a star suggests divine endorsement and the possibility of miraculous events aiding victories. This portrayal aligns with traditional depictions of stars as symbols of destruction and royal power in Egyptian literature.

What implications does the star's direction have on interpretations of its significance?add

The star coming from the south, Egypt's direction, reinforces its perception as a victorious omen for the Egyptians. This geographical context supports the view that its appearance heralded the king's triumph over foreign foes.

What challenges exist in deciphering the nature and impact of the star in ancient texts?add

Difficulties include ambiguous determinatives and the conflation of celestial signs with the king's actions, complicating interpretations. Scholars debate whether the star represented a miraculous event or simply a symbolic entity associated with royal victory.

How have interpretations of the star evolved over time among Egyptologists?add

Interpretations have shifted from viewing it as a mere omen to recognizing it as a pivotal sign linked directly to the king's martial prowess. This evolution reflects broader academic discussions on divine influence in royal narratives.

About the author
Andreas Winkler
University of Toronto, Faculty Member

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Nate Loper

University of Wales Trinity Saint David: Ancient Egyptian Religion, 2023

Since the dawn of humanity, mankind has looked to the vast array of stars overhead for a great many things. These nightly luminaries have inspired great mythologies and tales, as well as answers to some of life’s questions on origins and the afterlife for various cultures. In many cases, the stars have also provided chronological cues regarding seasons and the passing of time throughout the year. For civilizations around the world, looking up to the night sky has not only driven thoughts on the composition of the celestial tapestry of stars and planets, but a deep question regarding its possible significance and meaning. This is no different when it comes to Ancient Egyptian religious beliefs. What role did the stars, moon, sun, and planets play in developing and shaping the cosmological landscape of early Egypt, and what possible stories and beliefs were derived from looking up at the night sky? In this paper, I present some theories on the possible origin and utilization of some of the early Egyptian iconography and religious practice derived from observation of the night sky. One such important discussion is the Egyptian ankh and its representation of life and the afterlife. Where did the symbol originate from? What role did it possibly play as a physical object? How was the physical form of the Ankh perhaps further utilized in crafting the narrative of the afterlife in Ancient Egypt? The discussion then dives into the cosmic relation to the afterlife, and how night sky places like the northern circumpolar region were significant to the Ancient Egyptians. What clues do we have from Egyptian records on the possible means for calculating perfect north, even without the existence of a North Star throughout much of their history? This paper presents some examinations of those questions and provides some new theories of original research to be pondered and further investigated regarding the night sky and Egyptian cosmological beliefs.

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Ancient Egyptian Sky Lore: Rethinking the Conventional Wisdom
Joanne Conman

Ancient Egyptian Sky Lore: Rethinking the Conventional Wisdom is a groundbreaking book that challenges Egyptology’s and Archaeoastronomy’s most cherished dogma: the notion that ancient Egyptians practiced modern astronomy. Some long-standing, comfortably held opinions are exposed to much needed, discomforting thought in this provocative book. Joanne Conman walks the reader through the ideas objectively, skillfully building her case as she examines the rationales offered by the perpetuators and proponents of the well-established myth of astronomy in ancient Egypt. Before hieroglyphs could be read, before anyone knew anything factual about ancient Egypt, early scholars mistook ancient Egyptian religious art for an astronomical map. They already believed that ancient Egyptians invented and practiced modern astronomy, so their interpretation of the art was consistent with those preexistent beliefs. Unfortunately, they were wrong. As a result of their blunder, two of the five planets visible to the naked eye were misidentified as the Big Dipper and Orion. That error has stuck. A textbook from ancient Egypt actually clarifies the correct identities of the planets, but it was not translated until a century and a half had passed. By then the erroneous identifications had become such well-established dogma that the textbook itself was also misunderstood. Conman reveals the correct identities of the five planets in Pharaonic Egypt. She continues with a review of what has been offered over the last two centuries as support for the belief that ancient Egyptians practiced astronomy, focusing on reason and critical thinking, much as Isaac Asimov does with non-fiction science. She presents substantial evidence that contradicts the conventional thinking in both ancient Egyptian art and texts. She concludes by bringing to light the intriguing links she has found between very ancient Egyptian religious beliefs and modern astrology.

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