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THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF CHINA vol 9

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The Cambridge History of China, Volume 9, focuses on the Ch'ing period leading up to 1800, examining the political structure, civil service examinations, and demographic trends during this era. It includes detailed tables and charts illustrating the distribution of the population, the princes of the blood, and the evolution of civil examinations, making it a significant resource for understanding the historical context of governance, social structures, and economic developments in China.

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The History of Imperial China
Endymion Wilkinson

Chapter 1: The Origins of Chinese Civilization Geography The Yellow River  The Yellow River is so called because of the yellow loess silt that it carries, providing rich nutrients for agriculture, 12  This loess is also very easy to work with primitive tools, hence explaining why it became one of the first regions to be settled, 12  The Yellow River, however, is prone to flooding, and when it did so it tended to inundate enormous settled regions, 13 The Yangzi River  The basin of the Yangzi river to the south is warmer and wetter than the north, 13  This is why the south of china is more suited to crops like rice, while the north is better for wheat and millet, 13  The Yangzi and many of its tributaries are navigable, whereas the Yellow river is not, 13 Chinese Geographic Isolation  China was long isolated from other early civilizations by the ocean to the east, the Tibetan plateau to the west, and the Gobi and other deserts to the north, 13  The Chinese did not see themselves as sitting on the edge of a vast Asian continent, but rather as being the central civilized region of the world, surrounded by vast oceans, deserts and mountains that were largely unimportant, 13 Chinese Mythology The Three Sovereigns  Chinese mythology associates the origins of their civilization with several 'great men', as opposed to other cultures who credit gods, 10  Fu Xi domesticated animals and invented the family, Shen Nong invented the plough and the hoe, and Huang Di invented the bow and arrow, boats, carts, ceramics, writing and silk, while Yao devised the calendar and rituals, 10  The first three of these great men are called the 'Three Sovereigns': Fuxi, Nüwa and Shennong The Five Emperors  Afterwards came the Five Emperors: Huang-di or the Yellow Emperor, Zhuanxu, Emperor Ku, Emperor Yao, and Emperor Shun  The following Emperor, Yu the Great, was said to be the founder of the Xia Dynasty, 10  This dynasty was in turn supposedly overthrown when its tyrant king was overthrown by a subordinate who founded his own dynasty, the Shang, 10 Impact of these Legends  These legends show that the idea of 'China' was from the beginning constructed on the basis of technology and the state, including such things as agriculture, writing, flood control, and a virtuous monarchy, 10-12  China's past was thus viewed like the geology of a family, with links running back from one ancestor to the next in a continual, single line, 12 Prehistory The Birth of Agriculture  Homo sapiens first appeared in China around 100,000 years ago, probably spreading from somewhere in Africa, 16  By 5000 BC, Neolithic cultures with agriculture, pottery, textiles and villages had emerged in many of the river valleys in what is now China, 17  The move towards agriculture was facilitated by the beginning of the most recent interglacial period, and consequent move of the climate to warmer and wetter, 17  Domestification of animals accompanied this shift towards agriculture, with dogs and pigs appearing in both areas by 5000 BC and sheep and cattle in the north and water buffalo and cattle in the south appearing by 3000 BC, 17 The Third Millennium BC  The third Millennium BC was a time of increasing contact between these different regions  Pottery shapes and designs spread over larger areas, 20  During this time we also see the evidence of the rise of more powerful chieftains, who had the power to do such things as build thick walls around settlements and instigate human sacrifices at their elaborate burials, 20  This all suggests a growth in the scale of political power and organisation, and concordant rising social stratification, 20 Cultural Divisions  These early cultures can be divided into the southern rice zone, and the northern millet zone  Early china can also be divided along an east-west axis based on differences in pottery and art styles, 17-18  Various elaborate forms of pottery and jade artefacts have been discovered from this time Were they Really Chinese?  Even by 2000 BC, however, the Neolithic tribes of China were still probably as varied as those of pre-Columbian north America, speaking many different languages and having very different cultures, 20  As such, it would be inaccurate to identify all of them as proto-Chinese, 20-22 The First Dynasty The Beginning of the Bronze Age  Around 2000 BC, a more complex bronze-age civilization emerged in northern china out of this patchwork of Neolithic chiefdoms and cultures, 22  Properties of this new civilization included domesticated horses, metal-working, class stratification, and a stable political-religious hierarchy that administered a large area from a capital centre, 22 Bronze Working  The earliest bronze vessels in china date to around 1600 BC, about the beginning of the Shang dynasty, 28  Many of these early surviving bronze objects are cups, steamers and cauldrons, all with elaborate decoration and shaping, and probably used in sacrificial rituals, 29  Over the course of the dynasty bronze-working technology spread outwards, even into areas that the shang would not have considered to be Chinese at all, and who did not practise Chinese religion, 29  Many of these bronze objects, as well as other artistic forms like jade objects, knives, axes, ivory, carved wood, and silk, were used in elaborate noble or royal burials, and often showed continual of Neolithic artistic patterns, 30 The Shang Dynasty  The earliest dynasty for which we have written evidence is the Shang (around 1600 to 1050 BC), however they were likely preceded by some number of predecessor states, 23  Whether or not there was a fully-fledged Xia dynasty is still not known, 23  Though Shang political control did not extend very far, its cultural influence was much broader, being felt throughout the Yangzi valley, 23  The Shang ruled from a succession of five capitals, which were large complexes of palaces, temples and altars built on a raised earthen centre, surrounded by shops, artisanal workshops and houses, 24 Military Technology  Though agricultural technology was fairly stagnant, military technology was making significant advances, 24  Bronze-tipped spears, composite bows, and horse drawn chariots all came into use during Shang times, giving significant advantages to the wealthier states and warriors that could afford them, 24  Chariots were also used in royal hunts, in which deer, bears, tigers, wild boars and even elephants were hunted, 24 The King as a Religious Figure  Shang kingship was not only based on military supremacy, but also upon religion and ritual  The king acted as an intermediary between the people and his own ancestors, who in turn were believed to be best able to communicate with the high god Di, 25  To discover his ancestors wishes an, the king had professional diviners to heat bones to form cracks, which the king himself then interpreted to make prophesies and gain advice, 25  The king also travelled frequently throughout the kingdom, often stopping to make sacrifices, 25  Animal and human sacrifices played an important role in placating the gods, 25  Servants were often buried alive or sacrificed with their masters burials, especially for the royal family; burial sites with dozens of human and animal bodies have been found, 25  The power of the Shang rulers is further manifested by the enormous city walls and burial chambers they left behind, which would have required thousands of labourers to construct, 25 Early Cultural Developments Ancestral Grave Burial  In ancient times, it was common for many peoples to bury containers of food, drink and other precious objects with the dead, 21  This was related to the belief that the dead needed the support of the living through offerings and sacrifices, and in exchange would provide the living with protection from harm or other types of aid, 21  In china, evidence of such practices dates back to Neolithic times, 21 Shang Oracle Divination  The Shang kings used divination to communicate with their dead ancestors, 21  The most common technique involved the diviner applying a hot metal poker to a cattle shinbone or turtle shell, causing it to crack, 21  These cracks were then interpreted as representing either a positive, negative, or neutral answer to a question previously posed, 21  Inscriptions on these bones show that the king often asked questions about the appropriate sacrifices, and questions about whether they were causing an illness or strange dream, 21 Other Ancestral Rites  Ancestors were also approached to act as intermediaries between the king and the other gods, especially Di, who had the power to grant such things as bountiful harvests and assistance in battle, 21  During Zhou times, bronze tablets were inscribed with the achievements of notable individuals to show their ancestors the accomplishments of their descendants, 21  Such beliefs were closely linked with notions of filial piety and authority within families, as parent-child relationships would later become ancestor-descendant ones, 21  During early Zhou times, ancestral rites became increasingly elaborate, with the ancestor often represented by a descendent, and the other descendants performed rites and made sacrifices using the exactly correct protocol, in other to obtain ancestor blessings of long life and many descendants, etc, 21 Oracle Bone Script  The first evidence of writing in China (full sentences) comes from oracle bones of the late Shang, 27  These show that the language used at the time was a direct ancestor to modern Chinese, and that the characters used developed into modern Chinese characters, 27  About one thousand of these characters have been deciphered, demonstrating that they used pictograms, phonetic and picto-phonetic symbols, 27 Cultural Uniformity and Chinese Characters  The fact that the Shang developed a logographic rather than phonetic script had enormous consequences for Chinese 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References (1,325)

  1. Li Hsüeh-chih, "Ch'ing T'ai-tsu shih-ch'i chien ch'u wen-t'i ti fen hsi," Ssu yü yen, 8, No. 2 (1970), p. 63. 68 Biography in ECCP, p. 214.
  2. Ibid., p. 562. 70 Ibid., pp. 8-9.
  3. Ibid., pp. 225-6. A German translation of Baksi's biography from the Pa ch'i t'ung chih, ch. 236, is available in Bernd-Michael Linke, Zur Entwicklung des mandjurischen Khanats zum Beamtenstaat (Wiesbaden, 1982), pp. 121-3.
  4. A German translation of Kurcan's biography from the Pa ch'i t'ung chih, ch. 236, is available in Linke, Zur Entwicklung des mandjurischen Khanats, pp. 124-33.
  5. Biography in ECCP, pp. 213-14. A German translation of Dahai's biography in the Pa ch'i t'ung chih, ch. 236, is available in Linke, Zur Entwicklung des mandjurischen Khanats, pp. 112-20. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  6. 194 Biography in ECCP, pp. 280-1. 195 Ibid., pp. 255-9. 196 Ibid., pp. 397-8.
  7. Because Wu San-kuei later rebelled against the Manchus, the circumstances of his collaboration with the Manchus in 1644 may have been later distorted. For a full account see Angela N. S Hsi, "Wu San-kuei in 1644: A reappraisal," JAS, 34, No. 2 (February 1975), pp. 443-53.
  8. Wakeman, The great enterprise, Vol. 1, pp. 302-3, n. 237.
  9. Liu Shang-you, Ting ssu hsiao chi (1644) in Lynn A. Struve, trans. and ed., Voices from the Ming-Qing cataclysm: China in the tiger's jaws (New Haven, Conn., 1993), pp. 18-19.
  10. 36 On the po-hsüeh hung ju exam, see the essay by Hellmut Wilhelm, "The Po-hsüeh hung-ju examination of 1679," Journal of the American Oriental Society, 71 (1951), pp. 60-76; and the biographies of P'eng Sun-yü and Huang Tsung-hsi in ECCP, pp. 616 and 353. For those declining, see ECCP, pp. 261, 422, and 780, under Fu Shan, Ku Yen-wu, and Tu Yüeh. For Fu Shan's refusal to take the examina- tion, in the context of social and intellectual protest, see Nelson I. Wu, "The toleration of eccentrics," Art news, No. 56, 3 (May 1957), n.p.; and Bai Qianshen, "Fu Shan (1607-1684/85) and the transfor- mation of Chinese calligraphy in the seventeenth century" (diss., Yale University, 1996) for the meet- ings with like-minded resisters. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  11. A fascinating translation of Tomé Pereira's diary of the trip and the negotiations is given in Sebes, The Jesuits and the Sino-Russian treaty, pp. 174-303. See also Mancall, Russia and China, pp. 143, 156-9. Fu Lo-shu, Documentary chronicle, Vol. 1, pp. 94-103. On the background to Russian-Ölöd relations see Hsü Shu-ming, "Sha-huang cheng-fu ti ch'in-Hua huo-tung," pp. 243-68. The Jesuits' language work at Nerchinsk is examined in An Shuang-cheng, "K'ang-hsi huang-ti yü hsi-yang chuan-chiao shih," Li-shih tang-an, 1 (1994), pp. 91-3.
  12. For these three examples see Fu Lo-shu, Documentary chronicle, Vol. 1, pp. 106, 110, 116.
  13. J. L. Stevenson, A journey from St. Petersburg to Pekin, 1719-1722, ed. John Bell (Edinburgh, 1965), p. 162. Rouleau also presents an annotated version of Bernhard Kilian Stumpf's important diary. See also Paul Rule, K'ung-tzu or Confucius, ch. 3. An important selection of Chinese documents on the visit was col- lected by Ch'en Yüan and published in facsimile in Peiping (Peking) in 1932 as K'ang-hsi yü Lo-ma shih-chieh kuan-hsi wen-shu ying-yin pen. The K'ang-hsi Emperor's views of the legation and the Jesuits are summarized in Spence, Emperor of China pp. 74-85. On the Rites Question more broadly, see D. E. Mungello, ed., The Chinese rites controversy, its history and meaning, Monumenta Serica Monograph Series, XXXIII (Nettetal, 1994).
  14. Some of the intellectual endeavors of Jesuits and other missionaries after de Tournon can be gauged from David E. Mungello, Curious land: Jesuit accommodation and the origins of sinology (Stuttgart, 1985) and from John W. Witek, S. J., Controversial ideas in China and in Europe: A biography of Jean-François Foucquet, S. J. (1665-1741) (Rome, 1982). A different view is presented in Rosso, Apostolic legations, pp. 303-90. On Jesuits and bondservants see also Spence, Ts'ao Yin and the K'ang-hsi emperor, pp. 134-8. Early Canton trade and "Hoppos" are discussed in Preston Torbert, The Ch'ing imperial household depart- ment (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 98-101, and Chang Te-ch'ang, "The economic role of the imperial house- hold in the Ch'ing Dynasty," JAS, 31, No. 2 (1972), pp. 256-8. For overviews of the early embassies, see John Fairbank and Teng Ssu-yü, "On the Ch'ing tributary system," HJAS, 6 (1941), pp. 107-218.
  15. For the K'ang-hsi Emperor's tracking of Bouvet's work on the I-ching, see Man-wen, item numbers 1719, 1724, 1734, 1738, 1755, 1760, 1764. For his comment on the Manchu-Chinese edition, see item number 2535. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 jonathan d. spence
  16. Kao, Chang, Hsü, and Wang all have ECCP biographies. On the personnel of the Nan-shu-fang and their general functions, see Adam Lui, The Hanlin academy: Training ground for the ambitious, 1644-1850 (Hamden, Conn., 1981), pp. 30-44; and on the development of the memorial system within the Nan- shu-fang see especially Wu, Communication and imperial control, pp. 44-6. Kao Shih-ch'i and Chang Ying both left valuable informal records of the K'ang-hsi Emperor in action; see Spence, Emperor of China, passim for Kao, and Spence, Ts'ao Yin and the K'ang-hsi emperor, pp. 141-4 for Chang Ying. For these and other men as tutors to the emperor, and for their roles and contents of their discussions, see Kessler, K'ang-hsi and the consolidation of Ch'ing rule, pp. 138-46. A broad survey of factional groupings for the period 1661-90 is given in Harold Lyman Miller, "Factional conflict and the integration of Ch'ing pol- itics" (diss., George Washington University, 1974).
  17. On early diarists see Kato ¯ Naoto, "Shindai kiju ¯chu ¯no kenyü," To ¯ho ¯ gaku, 57 ( January 1979), pp. 62-83 and the names appended to each entry in the K'ang-hsi ch'i-chü-chu. Also see the description in Lui, The Hanlin Academy, pp. 30-1.
  18. 82 The range of famines and the attempts to deal with them are finely analyzed by Pierre-Étienne Will in his Bureaucratie et famine en Chine au 18 e siècle (Paris, 1980), which gives full details on the relief work in Hupeh by Yü Sen during 1691 and 1692. On the K'ang-hsi reign relief rate of one sheng per diem see CSL-KH, ch. 35, p. 18. The range of local violence and poverty in Shantung in the 1660s and 1670s is chronicled in Jonathan D. Spence, The death of Woman Wang (New York, 1978), drawing especially on the contemporary observations of a Shantung magistrate, Huang Liu-hung. Chin Fu's river conser- vancy skills are discussed in ECCP, pp. 161-3 and by Robert Hackmann, "The politics of regional development: Water conservancy in central Kiangsu Province, China, 1850-1911" (diss., University of Michigan, 1979), pp. 40-2. Integration of the Southern Tours with river work is analyzed by Shang Hung-k'uei, "K'ang-hsi nan-hsün yü Chih-li Huang-ho," Pei-ching ta-hsüeh hsüeh-pao, 4 (1981), pp. 42-51.
  19. Richard von Glahn, Fountain of fortune: Money and monetary policy in China, 1000-1700 (Berkeley, 1996), pp. 241-4.
  20. The 1688 mutiny is covered in the CSL-KH, from ch. 135, p. 22 to ch. 137, p. 27. Also see Wu Po- ya, "Wu-ch'ang ping-pien yü K'ang-hsi," Ch'ing-shih yen-chiu t'ung-hsün, 4 (1991), pp. 14-19. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  21. "On Factions," is published in Ta Ch'ing Shih-tsung hsien huang-ti shih-lu (Mukden, 1937-1938; rpt. Taipei, 1964; hereafter CSL-YC), ch. 22, pp. 11-24, Sept. 3, 1724 and translated in part in David S. Nivison, "Ho-shen and his accusers," in Confucianism in action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, 1959), p. 225.
  22. 41 Imperial concern with factionalism promoted the posting of special commissioners charged with mon- itoring the morals and the activities of the literati in the provinces. These kuan-feng cheng-su shih (Inspec- tors and Rectifiers of Popular Customs) were assigned to Chekiang, Fukien, Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Hunan during the years 1726-30. Huang, Autocracy at work, pp. 197-8.
  23. CSL-YC, ch. 87, pp. 26-30, Dec. 14, 1729.
  24. Chang Chung-li, The Chinese gentry: Studies on their role in nineteenth-century Chinese society (Seattle, 1955), p. 115. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  25. Bartlett, Monarchs and ministers, p. 5. 49 ECCP, pp. 923-4.
  26. In a rescript dated Yung-cheng 2,11,20 the emperor told T'ien Wen-ching "I want you to know, today, of all the officials and princes in the court. the only one I trust is Prince Yi." Yung-cheng chu p'i yü chih (1732; rpt. Taipei, 1965; hereafter, CPYC), T'ien Wen-ching, January 4, 1725, p. 3050.
  27. CSL-YC, ch. 94, pp. 2-9, June 15 and 21, 1730. 52 ECCP, pp. 142-3. 53 ECCP, pp. 54-6.
  28. Bartlett, Monarchs and ministers, p. 94. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 madeleine zelin
  29. ECCP, pp. 601-3.
  30. Herman, "National integration and regional hegemony" (diss., University of Washington, 1993), pp. 228-9. See pp. 223-5 of this chapter.
  31. Smith, "Ortai's governor-generalship," p. 27. 61 ECCP, pp. 720-1.
  32. T'ien Wen-ching and Li Wei, Ch'in pan chou hsien shih i (Kiangsu, 1868 ed.).
  33. ECCP, pp. 719-20.
  34. Wang Yeh-chien, Land taxation in imperial China, 1750-1911 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), p. 72.
  35. Ch'ü T'ung-tsu, "Local government in China under the Ch'ing," Harvard East Asian Studies, 9 (Cam- bridge, Mass., 1962), pp. 140, 144-7.
  36. Ta Ch'ing hui tien, Yung-cheng edition, ch. 32, Hu pu 10, fu-i 2, ch'i yün.
  37. Zelin, The magistrate's tael, pp. 27-37. 92 Ibid., pp. 43-6.
  38. Ibid., Kao Ch'i-chuo, Jan. 12, 1732. 112 Ibid., Ch'ang Yün-sui, April 6, 1732.
  39. See, for example, Yung-cheng ch'ao tsou che, Vol. 3, pp. 911-14, T'ien Wen-ching, April 11, 1725.
  40. Ibid., Vol. 20, pp. 780-1, Yüeh Chun, May 8, 1734.
  41. Ibid., Vol. 18, p. 689, Ke-sen, Sept. 19, 1731.
  42. Ibid., Yüeh Chung-ch'i, Feb. 28, 1729; O-erh-t'ai, Jan. 12, 1727.
  43. Joanna Waley-Cohen, "Commemorating war in eighteenth-century China," Modern Asian Studies, 30, No. 4 (October 1996), pp. 869-99. For Fang Pao, see Fang Pao, Fang Pao chi, ed. Liu Chi-kao (Shanghai, 1983), I, pp. 73-4.
  44. Chao-lien, Hsiao-t'ing tsa-lu, 1, pp. 15.
  45. Joseph Fletcher, "Ch'ing Inner Asia c. 1800," in Late Ch'ing, 1800-1911, Vol. 10 of The Cambridge history of China, ed. Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 35-106. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  46. CSL-YC, 54, pp. 30-1b.
  47. John E. Herman, "Empire in the southwest: Early Qing reforms to the native chieftain system," JAS, 56, No. 1 (February 1997), p. 47.
  48. Tai I, Ch'ien-lung ti chi ch'i shih-tai, pp. 129-30.
  49. Kao Hsiang, K'ang-Yung-Ch'ien san-ti, pp. 292-4.
  50. Joanna Waley-Cohen, "Religion, war, and empire-building in eighteenth-century China," The International History Review, 20, No. 2 ( June 1998), pp. 336-52.
  51. Robert Entenmann, "Andreas Ly on the first Jinchuan war in western Sichuan (1747-1749)," Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal, 19 (1997), pp. 8, 10, 13.
  52. Kuo Ch'eng-k'ang et al., Ch'ien-lung huang-ti, pp. 250-1.
  53. Chuang Chi-fa, Ch'ing Kao-tsung shih-ch'üan, p. 284.
  54. Chen Yi-sein, "The Chinese in Rangoon during, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries," in Ba Shin, J. Boisselier, and A. B. Griswold, eds., Essays offered to G. A. Luce by his colleagues and friends in honour of his seventy-fifth birthday (Ascona, 1964).
  55. Henry Yule, A narrative of the mission sent by the governor-general of India to the court of Ava in 1855 (London, 1858), pp. 144-5.
  56. See Sheang [Shang] Yen-liu, "Memories of the Chinese imperial civil service examination system," trans. Ellen Klempner, in American Asian Review 3, No. 1 (Spring 1985), pp. 54-6. Etienne Zi's Pratique des examens litteraires en Chine, pp. 35-69, records the curriculum of the nineteenth century, taking no note of the changes in curriculum before 1860. Cf. Victor Purcell, Problems of Chinese education (London, 1936), pp. 27-8, which describes classical and poetry questions in local examinations during the late Ch'ing.
  57. See Omura Ko ¯do ¯, "Shincho ¯kyo ¯iku shiso ¯shi ni okeru Seigo ko ¯kun ni tsuite," in Hayashi Tomoharu, ed., Kinsei Chu ¯goku kyo ¯ikushi kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1958), pp. 233-46.
  58. 49 Thomas Lee, "The social significance of the quota system in Sung civil service examinations," Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies, 13 (1982), pp. 287-318.
  59. See Ridley, "Educational theory and practice in late imperial China," pp. 150-3.
  60. For discussion, see Makino Tatsumi, "Ku ¯Enbu no seiin ron," in Hayashi Tomoharu, ed., Kinsei Chu ¯- goku kyo ¯ikushi kenkyu ¯, pp. 221-9.
  61. Ray Huang, Taxation and governmental finance in sixteenth-century Ming China (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 313-23; and Huang Ch'ing-lien, "The Li-chia system in Ming times and its operation in Ying-t'ien prefecture," BIHP, 54 (1983), pp. 103-55.
  62. Liu Chin-tsao, comp., Ch'ing-ch'ao hsü wen-hsien t'ung-kao (Shanghai, 1936), pp. 8452-3. See Yang-ch'eng T'ien T'ai-shih ch'üan-kao (1722 ed.), 1, p. 32a, in which T'ien Ts'ung-tien (1649-1726) explicitly com- pares the government's extraction of wealth to its selection of talent.
  63. Tan-mo lu, in Li T'iao-yüan, ed., Han-hai (1881), 1, pp. 10b-13a. See also Hans Bielenstein, "The regional provenance of Chin-shih during Ch'ing," Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 64 (1992), pp. 6, 28. Thus, during the Ch'ing there were 114 chuang-yüan (one Han and one Manchu in 1652 and 1655), but only 112 metropolitan and palace examinations. Cf. Hsü K'o, Ch'ing-pai lei-ch'ao (Shanghai, 1920), 21, pp. 9, and 127.
  64. Chao Erh-hsün et al., comps., Ch'ing-shih kao (Peking, 1928, rpt. Peking, 1977), 11, pp. 3157-8.
  65. See "An-hui hsüeh-cheng t'i-pen," 1765, 7th month, 26th day, in the Ming-Ch'ing Archives, Academia Sinica, Taiwan.
  66. Lawrence Kessler, K'ang-hsi and the consolidation of Ch'ing rule (Chicago, 1976), pp. 30-9. See also Robert Oxnam, Ruling from horseback: Manchu politics in the Oboi regency (Chicago, 1975), pp. 87-8, 101-8. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  67. See Tilemann Grimm, Erziehung und politik im künfuzianischen China der Ming-Zeit (Hamburg, 1960), pp. 85-8.
  68. See Wu Chih-ho, Ming-tai te ju-hsüeh chiao-kuan (Taipei, 1991), pp. 19-20, 267-9. Figures for the Ming in Chang Chien-jen, Ming-tai chiao-yü kuan-li chih-tu yen-chiu (Taipei, 1991) are roughly comparable: 159 prefectures; 234 departments; 1,171 counties; 1,564 dynastic schools.
  69. Wu-li t'ung-kao, Ch'in Hui-t'ien, comp. (1761 ed.), 175, pp. 20a-b, 23b.
  70. Huang-Ming kung-chü k'ao, Chang Ch'ao-jui, comp. (Ming Wan-li ed.), 1, p. 41a. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  71. See Ping-ti Ho, The ladder of success, pp. 197-203; Meskill, Academies in Ming China, passim; and Benjamin A. Elman, "Imperial politics and Confucian societies in late imperial China: The Hanlin and Donglin academies," Modern China, 15, No. 4 (1989), pp. 379-418.
  72. See John Chaffee, "Chu Hsi and the revival of the White Deer Grotto Academy, 1179-81," T'oung Pao, 71 (1985), pp. 46-7; and Walton-Vargö, "Education, social change, and neo-Confucianism," pp. 244-5. On the difficulties in obtaining figures for Sung academies, see Pai Hsin-liang, Chung-kuo ku-tai shu-yüan fa-chan shih (T'ien-chin, 1995), pp. 271-3.
  73. John Meskill, "Academies and politics in the Ming Dynasty," in Hucker, Chinese government in Ming times: Seven studies (New York: 1969), pp. 149-74. See also Atwell, "The Fu She," pp. 333-67, and Charles Hucker, "The Tung-lin movement of the late Ming period," in John K. Fairbank, ed., Chinese thought and institutions (Chicago, 1957), pp. 132-62.
  74. Juan Yüan, Yen-ching-shih chi (Taipei, 1964), Vol. 2, p. 505. See Sun Hsing-yen et al., "Ku-ching ching-she t'i-ming-pei-chi," in Ku-ching ching-she wen-chi (Taipei, 1966), p. 2 and Chang Yin, "Ku- ching ching-she ch'u-kao," Wen-lan hsüeh-pao, 2, No. 1 (March 1936), pp. 39-41.
  75. See Barry Keenan, Imperial China's last classical academies: Social change in the lower Yangzi, 1864-1911 (Berkeley, 1994), passim.
  76. For an account of the Sea of Learning Hall (Hsüeh-hai t'ang) and its role in Cantonese academics, see Benjamin A. Elman, "The Hsüeh-hai t'ang and the rise of new text scholarship," Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, No. 2 (Dec. 1979), pp. 51-82. Juan Yüan's remarks are cited in the Hsüeh-hai t'ang chih (Hong Kong, 1964), p. 7b. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  77. Hashimoto Keizo ¯, "Bai Buntei no rekisangaku," To ¯ho ¯gakuho ¯, 41 (1970), pp. 497-514; and Wang P'ing, "Ch'ing-ch'u li-suan-chia Mei Wen-ting," Chin-tai shih yen-chiu-so chi-kan (Taipei, 1971), p. 314. On Yao Chi-heng, see Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, Ku-shu chen-wei chi ch'i nien-tai (Taipei, 1973), pp. 36-37. See also ECCP, pp. 137-8, 140, 144, 357, 505, 814.
  78. R. Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries: Scholar and the state in the late Ch'ien-lung era (Cambridge Mass., 1987), passim.
  79. See ECCP, pp. 324, 783, 811. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  80. obsessive conflation of "submission" with head-shaving, which runs throughout the discussion of Ch'ing military victories. See Chung-kuo ti-i li-shih tang-an-kuan and Chung-kuo she-hui k'e-hsüeh-yüan li-shih yen-chiu-so, trans. and ed., Man-wen lao-tang, 2 Vols. (Peking, 1990).
  81. S. T. Leong cites arguments by the late-eighteenth-century writer Hsü Hsü-tseng that the Hakka peoples responded to the Manchu edicts that lowland Chinese ignored, and thus dates the prevalence of "natural" feet among both elite and commoner Hakkas to this period. See Sow-Theng Leong, Migra- tion and ethnicity in Chinese history: Hakkas, Pengmin, and their neighbors, ed. Tim Wright (Stanford, 1997), pp. 36, 78-9.
  82. See the brief reference in Shen Ts'ung-wen, Chung-kuo ku-tai fu-shih yen-chiu (Hong Kong, 1981), p. 440. The parallel phrase "the living submit, but the dead do not" (sheng hsiang, ssu pu-hsiang) referred to the fact that mourning garments and the clothing of the dead preserved styles current in the Ming. Unfortunately, Shen provides no documentation for these details. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  83. Li Ch'iao, "Ch'ing-tai Pei-ching nei-wai-ch'eng she-hui sheng-huo hsi-su chih i" (Differences in the customs of social life in the inner and outer cities in Peking during the Ch'ing dynasty), Li-shih yen- chiu t'ung-hsün, 3 (1987), pp. 25-7.
  84. 44 Timothy Brook, The confusions of pleasure: Commerce and culture in Ming China (Berkeley, 1998).
  85. The best study of the problem of the "mean peoples" in the Ming-early Ch'ing transition remains Terada Takanobu, "Yoseitei no semmin kaihorei ni tsuite" (Concerning the emancipation of the chien- min in the Yung-cheng reign), To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 18, No. 3 (1959), pp. 124-41. See also Anders Hansson, Chinese outcasts: Discrimination and emancipation in late imperial China (Leiden, 1996). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  86. G. William Skinner, "Presidential address: The structure of Chinese history," JAS, 44, No. 2 (Feb. 1985), pp. 278-81.
  87. G. William Skinner, "Cities and the hierarchy of local systems," The city in late imperial China, ed. G. W. Skinner (Stanford, 1977), pp. 275-352. For a detailed investigation of the spread of commercial markets in one local economy starting in the mid-Ming period, see Yoshinobu Shiba, "Ningpo and its hinterland," in Skinner, The city in late imperial China, esp. pp. 399-403. On female labor and proto- industrial production, see Mann, Precious records, pp. 143-77. For a different perspective, emphasizing the growing importance of male weavers in commercial textile production during the Ch'ing period, see Francesca Bray, Technology and gender: Fabrics of power in late imperial China (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 242-69.
  88. On the significance of the chastity cult in the Ming period, see Katherine Carlitz, "Shrines, governing-class identity, and the cult of widow fidelity in mid-Ming Jiangnan," JAS, 56, No. 3 (1997), pp. 612-40. Data on widow chastity in the first century of Ch'ing rule show that in the Kiangnan region, numbers far surpassed those reported in the Ming period. See Mann, "Suicide and survival," pp. 23-39.
  89. Benjamin A. Elman, A cultural history of civil examinations in late imperial China (Berkeley, 2000).
  90. See R. Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries: Scholars and the state in the late Ch'ien-lung era (Cam- bridge, Mass., 1987), esp. 159-82. Guy stresses that the so-called "inquisition" conducted by the Ch'ien-lung emperor during the compilation of his Four Treasuries collection was carried out not by a repressive government alone, but by a constituency of literati, bureaucrats, and court officials whose interests overlapped.
  91. Hsiung Ping-chen, "Hao ti k'ai-shih: Chin-shih shih-jen tzu-ti ti yu-nien chiao-yü," Family process and political process in modern Chinese history, ed. Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica (Taipei, 1992), Vol. 1, pp. 201-38.
  92. On changes in the examinations and on the range of approaches to even the conventional themes required, see the discussion in R. Kent Guy, "Fang Pao and the Ch'in-ting Ssu-shu-wen," Education and society in late imperial China, 1600-1900, ed. Benjamin A. Elman and Alexander Woodside (Berkeley, 1994), pp. 150-82. On changes in the eight-legged essay form, and shifting emphases on sections within the examinations, see Benjamin A. Elman, "Changes in Confucian civil service examinations from the Ming to the Ch'ing dynasty," in Education and society in late imperial China, ed. Elman and Woodside, pp. 111-49. Elman stresses, nonetheless, the basic continuity of the "ideology" of exami- nations from Yüan through Ch'ing; p. 132.
  93. For a Ming example, see Luo Rufang, "Eulogy for my mother, the Honorable Lady Ning," trans. Yu-yin Cheng, Under Confucian eyes: Writings on gender in Chinese history, ed. Susan Mann and Yu-yin Cheng (Berkeley, 2001). For Ch'ing examples, see Mann, Precious records, pp. 102-5.
  94. Ping-ti Ho, The ladder of success in imperial China: Aspects of social mobility, 1368-1911 (New York, 1962).
  95. Charlotte Furth, A flourishing yin: Gender in China's medical history, 960-1665 (Berkeley, 1999). susan mann
  96. See Joanna F. Handlin, Action in late Ming thought: The reorientation of Lü K'un and other scholar-officials (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 140-1.
  97. Angela Ki Che Leung, "Organized medicine in Ming-Qing China: State and private medical institu- tions in the Lower Yangzi Region," Late Imperial China, 8, No. 1 (1987), 134-66.
  98. See Paul U. Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 196-7.
  99. Ibid., pp. 183-97.
  100. See Unschuld, History of ideas, esp. pp. 194-212. 64 Ibid., pp. 210-12.
  101. Bray, Technology and gender, p. 311. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  102. 66 At least this was the case for the Huan-tu-chai publisher Wang Ang (1615-c. 1699), whose concern for benefiting humankind through his work drew him to medical writing and publishing. See Ellen Widmer, "The Huanduzhai of Hangzhou and Suzhou: A study in seventeenth-century publishing," HJAS, 56, No. 1 (1996), pp. 77-122. Wang, whom Widmer describes as "a leading popularizer of medical knowledge" during the Ch'ing (p. 78), printed, among other things, a revised edition of the Complete Essentials of Pharmacology (Pen-ts'ao pei-yao) in 1683.
  103. Published studies stress not preventive health care but improving living standards as the main determinants of successful reproductive behavior in the Ch'ing period. See James Lee and Cameron Campbell, Fate and fortune in rural China: Social organization and population behavior in Liaoning, 1774-1873 (Cambridge, 1996). Angela Leung notes that whereas premodern public health measures did little to curb infectious disease, improved hygiene has been shown to limit mortality in premod- ern populations: Leung, "Organized medicine in Ming-Qing China," pp. 134-66, esp. p. 155. Hsiung Ping-chen presents convincing evidence that access to preventive health care for newborns and mothers improved dramatically from the middle of the sixteenth century to the mid-eighteenth century. See Hsiung Ping-chen, Yu-yu: Ch'uan-t'ung Chung-kuo ti ch'iang-pao chih tao (Taipei, 1995), pp. 53-101.
  104. 68 The annotated Outline of gynecology (Chi-yin kang-mu), published in 1665, proclaimed on its cover to be "The number one best book of female medicine," and advertised: "The world's doctors need to study it thoroughly; ordinary people, too, must keep a copy at their fingertips and display it as a great trea- sure of an orderly home." See Widmer, "The Huanduzhai of Hangzhou and Suzhou," pp. 93ff., quota- tion on p. 100. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  105. Ann Waltner, "Infanticide and dowry in Ming and early Qing China," Chinese views of childhood, ed. Anne Behnke Kinney (Honolulu, 1995), pp. 193-218.
  106. See Arthur P. Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang, Marriage and adoption in China, 1845-1945 (Stanford, 1980), esp. pp. 326-39.
  107. See Janice E. Stockard, Daughters of the Canton delta: Marriage patterns and economic strategies in south China, 1860-1930 (Stanford, 1989). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  108. 91 Stockard, Daughters of the Canton delta; also Maria Jaschok, Concubines and bondservants: The social history of a Chinese custom (London, 1988);
  109. Rubie Watson, "Wives, concubines, and maids: Servitude and kinship in the Hong Kong region, 1900-1940," Marriage and inequality in Chinese society, ed. Rubie S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley, 1991).
  110. Helen F. Siu, "Where were the women? Rethinking marriage resistance and regional culture in South China," Late Imperial China, 11, No. 2 (Dec. 1990), pp. 32-62.
  111. James H. Cole, Shaohsing: Competition and cooperation in nineteenth-century China (Tucson, 1986), esp. pp. 111-29, where Cole traces the rise of clerks from Shao-hsing from the late Ming onward.
  112. T'ien Ju-k'ang, Male anxiety and female chastity: A comparative study of Chinese ethical values in Ming-Ch'ing times (Leiden, 1988).
  113. S. T. Leong, Migration and ethnicity in Chinese history: Hakkas, Pengmin, and their neighbors, ed. Tim Wright (Stanford, 1997).
  114. G. William Skinner, "Mobility strategies in late imperial China: A regional systems analysis," in Eco- nomic systems, Vol. 1 of Regional analysis, ed. Carol A. Smith (New York, 1976), pp. 352-3. Comments of one official distressed by the sight of women working in the fields are translated in Mann, Precious records, pp. 163-4.
  115. Gail Hershatter, Dangerous pleasures: Prostitution and modernity in twentieth-century Shanghai (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 53-6.
  116. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 susan mann 111 The relationship between sojourning and gender systems in Hakka populations is discussed in Leong, Migration and ethnicity in Chinese history; see the introduction by G. William Skinner, pp. 9-12. Over- seas sojourning in the Southeast Coast and Lingnan regions was associated with distinctive gender systems that included the traffic in female maids, or mui jai. In some of these areas, high rates of female infanticide and of female suicide were also reported. See Jaschok, Concubines and bondservants; Bernice J. Lee, "Female infanticide in China," Women in China: Current directions in historical scholarship, ed.
  117. Richard W. Guisso and Stanley Johannesen (Youngstown, N.Y., 1981), pp. 163-78; and T'ien, Male anxiety and female chastity. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  118. See Albert Chan, The glory and fall of the Ming dynasty (Norman, 1982), pp. 82-3.
  119. Skinner, "Mobility strategies in late imperial China," pp. 327-64.
  120. Ping-ti Ho, "The salt merchants of Yang-chou: A study of commercial capitalism in eighteenth- century China," HJAS, 17, Nos. 1-2 ( June 1954), pp. 130-68. On Hui-chou's local history, see Harriet T. Zurndorfer, Change and continuity in Chinese local history: The development of Hui-chou prefecture, 800 to 1800 (Leiden, 1989), and literature cited therein. See also Yeh Hsien-en, Ming-Ch'ing Hui-chou nung- ts'un she-hui yü tien-p'u chih (Hofei, 1983).
  121. T'ang Li-hsing, "Ming-Ch'ing Hui-chou ti chia-t'ing yü tsung-tsu chieh-kou," Li-shih yen-chiu, 1 (1991), p. 158.
  122. Ibid., p. 154. T'ang points to other features of Hui-chou family life affected by trade and sojourning. He argues, for instance, that early household division in Hui-chou forestalled conflict between broth- ers while enabling the same brothers to establish themselves successfully as business partners: p. 156.
  123. Oyama Masaaki, "Large landownership in the Kiangnan delta region during the late Ming-early Qing period," State and society in China: Japanese perspectives on Ming-Qing social and economic history, ed. and trans. Linda Grove and Christian Daniels (Tokyo, 1984), pp. 107-8.
  124. Timothy Brook, Geographical sources of Ming-Qing history, Michigan Monographs in Chinese Studies, 58 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies, 1988), p. 38, notes that this is the earliest authoritative route book. It listed 158 routes and was reprinted several times. A 1635 edition added lists of local products by county to the information in the original guide. Brook links the expanded coverage and audience of route books inaugurated by this publication to the expansion of woodblock printing and commercial publishing in the same period: pp. 5-8.
  125. Chan, The glory and fall of the Ming dynasty, pp. 84-5; see also Brook, Geographical sources of Ming-Qing history, pp. 15-16.
  126. G. William Skinner, "Family systems and demographic processes," in David I. Kertzer and Tom Fricke, eds., Anthropological demography: Toward a new synthesis (Chicago, 1997), pp. 78-82.
  127. See Roy, trans., Chin p'ing mei. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  128. A complete list of all such works from the earliest Lieh-nü chuan through the Nü-jen ching, printed in 1904, appears in Yamazaki Jun'ichi, Kyo ¯iku kara mita Chu ¯goku joseishi shiryo ¯no kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1986), pp. 24-45. He lists a total of 146 works, of which 49 were published during the Ming and 52 during the Ch'ing (including many reprints and new editions of the classic Lieh-nü chuan). The assessment of the "most widely circulated" items is Yamazaki's; see p. 46.
  129. Wang Chung and Yü Cheng-hsieh were two of the most outspoken male critics of this anguished female moralism, attested in wrenching poems written by young women at the time. See Mann, Pre- cious records, pp. 84-6, 115-16; also Yuasa Yukihiko, "Shindai ni okeru fujin kaiho ¯ron -reikyo ¯to nin- genteki shizen (Ch'ing discussion of the emancipation of women: Human nature and the teachings of the rites)," Nihon Chu ¯goku gakkaiho ¯, 4 (March 1953), pp. 111-25; Paul S. Ropp, "The seeds of change: Reflections on the condition of women in the early and mid Ch'ing," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 2, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-23.
  130. 144 On wives as the mothers of concubines' children, see Bray, Technology and gender, pp. 351-68.
  131. Bray, Technology and Gender, pp. 326-34, describes the various methods used to regulate the menses. These, she notes, served equally well to induce abortion. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  132. Rawski, "Presidential address," p. 840.
  133. Ibid., citing Pamela K. Crossley, "Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Her- itage," JAS, 46, No. 4 (Nov. 1987), p. 779.
  134. Rawski, "Presidential address"; Fletcher, "Ch'ing Inner Asia c. 1800"; and various studies in Stevan Harrell, ed., Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers (Seattle, 1995), esp. Norma Diamond, "Defin- ing the Miao: Ming, Qing, and Contemporary Views," pp. 99-106.
  135. Richard Vinograd, remarking on Castiglione's influence, notes "a certain fascination with exotic cos- tumes and styles" in the painting of the Ch'ien-lung court, Boundaries of the self: Chinese portraits, 1600-1900 (Cambridge, 1992), p. 71.
  136. See Alice R. M. Hyland, Deities, emperors, ladies and literati: Figure painting of the Ming and Ch'ing dynas- ties (Birmingham, Ala., 1987), pp. 69-75. See p. 74 for a reproduction of one example, "Portrait of Hu Er Cha A, Imperial Bodyguard of the First Rank," datable to 1760, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Dillon Fund Gift (1986.206).
  137. See Wu Hung, "Beyond stereotypes," p. 330. on these figures, see, for example, Kao Wang-ling, Shih-pa shih-chi Chung-kuo jen-k'ou ti tseng-ch'ang ho Ch'ing cheng-fu ti nung-yeh ching-chi tui-ts'e (Peking, 1982); Yang Ch'i-ch'ang, "Ch'ing-tai jen-k'ou wen- t'i chi ch'i li-shih chiao-hsün," Yün-nan chiao-yü yüan hsüeh-pao, 1 (1987); and Chao Wen-lin and Hsieh Shu-chün, Chung-kuo jen-k'ou shih (Peking, 1988), pp. 377-82.
  138. Yang Ch'i-ch'ang has the population more than doubling (from 53 to 110 million) in the four decades 1644-85.
  139. Suzuki Chu ¯sei, Shincho ¯ chu ¯kishi kenkyu ¯(Toyohashi, 1952), pp. 27-37.
  140. 9 James Lee and Cameron Campbell, Fate and fortune in rural China: Social organization and population behavior in Liaoning, 1774-1873 (Cambridge, 1997), ch. 3. The 1.3 percent per year estimate is from Kao Wang-ling, Chung-kuo jen-k'ou. The comparisons to earlier population levels generally follow Ping- ti Ho.
  141. Lin Man-houng, "From sweet potato to silver: The new world and 18th-century China as reflected in Wang Hui-tsu's passage about grain prices," in Hans Pohl, ed., The European discovery of the world and its economic effects on pre-industrial society, 1500-1800 (Stuttgart, 1990), p. 308. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  142. Fang Hsing, "Ch'ing-tai Chiang-nan nung-min ti hsiao-fei," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 3 (1996), pp. 91-8; Kenneth Pomeranz, "Economy and ecology in mid-Qing China: A comparative approach," unpublished paper; William Lavely and R. Bin Wong, "Revising the Malthusian narrative: The com- parative study of population dynamics in late imperial China," JAS, 57, No. 3 (Aug. 1998), esp. pp. 729-32. On complaints against extravagance see Suzuki, Shincho ¯ chu ¯ki shi, pp. 37-46.
  143. Mio Kishimoto-Nakayama, "The Kangxi Depression and Early Qing Local Markets," Modern China, 10, No. 2 (April 1984), pp. 227-56, and, for a fuller and more recent analysis, see Mio Kishimoto- Nakayama, Shindai Chu ¯goku no buka to keizi hendo ¯(Tokyo, 1997).
  144. Lin, "From sweet potato to silver"; Philip A. Kuhn, Soulstealers: The Chinese sorcery scare of 1768 (Cam- bridge, Mass., 1990), ch. 2.
  145. Kao Wang-ling, "Kuan-yü K'ang-Ch'ien sheng-shih ti chi ko wen-t'i," Ch'ing-shih yen-chiu t'ung-hsün, 4 (1990), pp. 21-6, and Kao Wang-ling, Shih-pa shih-chi Chung-kuo ti ching-chi fa-chan ho cheng-fu cheng- ts'e (Peking, 1995).
  146. Suggested by data in Liang Fang-chung, Jen-k'ou, t'ien-ti, t'ien-fu, pp. 391-3 and 400.
  147. Comparing data in Ho, Population, pp. 277-8, and Liang Fang-chung, Jen-k'ou, t'ien-ti, t'ien-fu, p. 380.
  148. Dwight Perkins, Agricultural development in China, 1368-1968 (Chicago, 1969).
  149. On Ch'ing food policy overall, see Wu Hui and Ko Hsien-hui, "Ch'ing ch'ien-ch'i ti liang-shih t'iao- chi," Li-shih yen-chiu, 4 (1988), pp. 122-35. For policy in a particular region of active government involvement, see Peter C. Perdue, "The Qing State and the Gansu Grain Market, 1739-1864," in Thomas Rawski and Lillian Li, eds., Chinese history in economic perspective (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 100-25. On granary policy see Iemura Shiseo, "Shindai shaso ¯ seido kenkyu ¯josetsu," Mindaishi kenkyu ¯, 11 (1983), pp. 7-23; Kuroda Akinobu, "Shindai bichiku ko," Shirin, 71, No. 6 (1988), pp. 1-28; Yamamoto Susumu, "Shindai zenki no heicho ¯ seisaku," Shirin, 71, No. 5 (1988), pp. 38-70; and Pierre-Étienne Will and R. Bin Wong, Nourish the people: The state civilian granary system in China, 1650-1850 (Ann Arbor, 1991). On famine relief policies, see Pierre-Étienne Will, Bureaucracy and famine in eighteenth- century China (Stanford, 1990).
  150. Wu Chien-yung, "Ch'ing ch'ien-ch'i ti shang-p'in liang cheng-ts'e," Li-shih tang-an, 3 (1986), p. 87.
  151. Ch'üan Han-sheng, "Ch'ing-ch'ao chung-yeh Su-chou ti mi-liang mao-i," BIHP, 39 (Oct. 1969), p. 77. 27 On the Yangtze River rice trade, see Nakamura Jihei, "Shindai Koko ¯ kome ryu ¯tsu ¯no ichimen," Shakai keizai shigaku, 18, No. 3 (1952), pp. 53-65; Abe Takeo, "Beikaku jukyu ¯no kenkyu ¯: Yosei shi no issho to shite mita," in his Shindaishi no kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1971), pp. 411-522; and Han-sheng Ch'uan and Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  152. Richard A. Kraus, Mid-Ch'ing rice markets and trade: An essay in price history (Cambridge, Mass., 1975). On more regionalized grain flows, see Yeh-chien Wang, "Food supply in eighteenth-century Fukien," Late Imperial China, 7, No. 2 (December 1986), pp. 80-117; and Robert B. Marks, "Rice prices, food supply, and market structure in eighteenth-century south China," Late Imperial China, 12, No. 2 (Dec. 1991), pp. 64-116.
  153. Kishimoto, Buka, 126; Mio Nakayama (Kishimoto), "On the fluctuation of the price of rice in the Chiang-nan region during the first half of the Ch'ing period (1644-1795)," Memoirs of the Research Department of the To ¯yo ¯ Bunko, 37 (1979), pp. 55-90; Ch'üan Han-sheng, "Ch'ien-lung shih-san nien ti mi-kuei wen-t'i," in Ch'üan, Chung-kuo ching-chi shih lun-ts'ung (Hong Kong, 1972), pp. 547-66.
  154. Liu Min, "Shih-lun Ming-Ch'ing shih-ch'i hu-chi chih-tu ti pien-hua," Chung-kuo ku-tai shih lun-ts'ung, 2 (Sept. 1981), pp. 218-36.
  155. 30 See variously Chuang Kuo-t'u, Chung-kuo feng-chien cheng-fu ti Hua-ch'iao cheng-tse (Hsia-men, 1989);
  156. Wang Gungwu, The Nanhai trade: A study of the early history of Chinese trade in the South China Sea (Kuala Lumpur, 1959);
  157. Chin-keong Ng, Trade and society: The Amoy network on the China coast, 1683-1785 (Sin- gapore, 1983);
  158. Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and profit: Sino-Siamese trade, 1652-1853 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977);
  159. and Leonard Blussé, Strange company: Chinese settlers, Mestizo women, and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht, 1988). For another aspect of the Qing population's maritime diaspora, see Dian Murray, Pirates of the south China coast, 1790-1810 (Stanford, 1987).
  160. Hilary Beattie, Land and lineage in China: A study of T'ung-ch'eng county, Anhwei, in the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties (Cambridge, 1979);
  161. Peter C. Perdue, "Insiders and outsiders: The Xiangtan riot of 1819 and collective action in Hunan," Modern China, 12, No. 2 (April 1986), pp. 170-3;
  162. William T. Rowe, "Success stories: Lineage and elite status in Hanyang county, Hupei, 1368-1949," in Joseph W. Esh- erick and Mary Backus Rankin, eds., Chinese local elites and patterns of dominance (Berkeley, 1990);
  163. Robert Eric Entenmann, "Migration and settlement in Sichuan, 1644-1796" (diss., Harvard University, 1982), ch. 5. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 william t. rowe
  164. Jing, "Hierarchy," pp. 171-85.
  165. Philip A. Kuhn, "Chinese views of social classification," in James L. Watson, ed., Class and social stratification in post-revolution China (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 16-28.
  166. Liang Ch'i-tzu, " 'P'in-ch'iung' yü 'ch'iung-jen' kuan-nien tsai Chung-kuo su-shih she-hui chung ti li- shih yen-pien," in Huang Ying-kui, ed., Jen-kuan, i-i, yü she-hui (Taipei, 1993), pp. 129-62. The ency- clopedia in question is Ch'en Meng-lei and Chiang T'ing-hsi, eds., Ku-chin t'u-shu chi-ch'eng (1728).
  167. Akinobu, "Shindai bichiku ko," p. 6. A strident advocate of this widely held position was the cele- brated scholar-merchant T'ang Chen (1630-1704); for a sample of T'ang's pao-fu rhetoric, see Helen Dunstan, Conflicting counsels to confuse the age (Ann Arbor, 1996), pp. 106-8.
  168. Richard von Glahn, "The enchantment of wealth: The God Wutong in the social history of Jiangnan," HJAS, 51, No. 2 (1991), pp. 651-714; Cynthia Brokaw, The ledgers of merit and demerit: Social change and moral order in late imperial China (Princeton, 1991). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  169. 45 On the late Ming see Oki Yashushi, "Readership and audience in the late Ming dynasty," paper pre- sented to the Association of Asian Studies Annual Meeting, Washington, D.C., March 1994; and Oki Yashushi, Min-matsu no maguru chishikijin (Tokyo, 1995). On the Ch'ing see Evelyn S. Rawski, Educa- tion and popular literacy in Ch'ing China (Ann Arbor, 1979). Literacy rates varied not only over time, but by area, by gender, by urban or rural residence, and most importantly by degree -classical versus functional literacy being a continuum of infinitely variable gradation. All of this makes meaningful quantification virtually impossible; nevertheless, all who have studied this issue in recent decades agree that Ch'ing literacy was higher than once imagined, and was rapidly on the rise.
  170. See the various essays in Benjamin Elman and Alexander Woodside, ed., Education and society in late imperial China (Berkeley, 1994).
  171. For a republished example, see Miao-luan t'u-ts'e (Taipei, 1973).
  172. See the various articles in David Johnson, Andrew J. Nathan, and Evelyn S. Rawski, eds., Popular culture in late imperial China (Berkeley, 1985), especially those by James Hayes, Issei Tanaka, and Victor Mair.
  173. See Fu-mei Chang Chen and Ramon Myers, "Customary law and the economic growth of China during the Ch'ing period," Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 3, No. 5 (Nov. 1976), pp. 1-32, and 3, No. 10 (Dec. 1978), pp. 4-27. For many examples of surviving documents, see "Min-nan ch'i-yüeh wen-shu tsung-lu," special issue of Chung-kuo she-hui ching-chi shih yen-chiu (1990).
  174. David Johnson, "Communication, class, and consciousness in late imperial China," in Johnson et al., eds., Popular culture, pp. 34-72.
  175. 54 On the degree-holders' ambivalent role in local administration, see T'ung-tsu Ch'ü, Local government in China under the Ch'ing, ch. 10. For the collapse of li-chia and the search for alternatives, see Leif Littrup, Sub-bureaucratic governance in China in Ming times (Oslo, 1981), ch. 6.
  176. Shigeta Atsushi, "The origins and structure of gentry rule," in Linda Grove and Christian Daniels, eds., State and society in China: Japanese perspectives on Ming-Qing social and economic history (Tokyo, 1984), pp. 335-85. Shigeta's original Japanese article appeared in Jimbun kenkyu ¯, 22, No. 4 (1971). More recently, James Shih has provided evidence that largely supports Shigeta's argument, at least for Kiangnan, but also shows that factors leading to the Ming "rise of the literati" were largely erased in Ch'ing times; see Chinese rural society in transition, pp. 39-44, and further discussion below.
  177. Jerry Dennerline, "Fiscal reform and local control: The gentry-bureaucratic alliance survives the con- quest," in Frederic Wakeman, Jr., and Caroline Grant, eds., Conflict and control in late imperial China (Berkeley, 1975), pp. 86-120. william t. rowe
  178. Feng Erh-k'ang, Yung-cheng chuan, pp. 164-72.
  179. Pai Hsin-liang, Ch'ien-lung chuan (Shenyang, 1990), pp. 26-8.
  180. Ping-ti Ho, Ladder of success, p. 124. See also the important qualifications suggested for Ho's calcula- tions in Odoric Wou, "The extended kin unit and the family origins of Ch'ing local officials," in Joshua A. Fogel and William T. Rowe, eds., Perspectives on a changing China (Boulder, 1979), pp. 69-88. Even given Wou's more conservative estimates, the degree of upward mobility in Ch'ing society was hardly negligible. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  181. Johanna Meskill, A Chinese pioneer family: The Lins of Wu-feng, Taiwan, 1729-1895 (Princeton, 1979).
  182. See, for example, Rowe, "Success stories."
  183. Chang Hai-p'eng and T'ang Li-hsing, "Lun Hui-shang 'Ku erh hao ju' ti t'e-se," Chung-kuo shih yen- chiu, 4 (1984), pp. 57-70.
  184. Chang, The Chinese gentry, pp. 97-100; Ho, Ladder of success, pp. 147-8, 219-20, and 262.
  185. R. Kent Guy, "Fang Pao and the Ch'in-ting ssu-shu-wen," in Elman and Woodside, eds., Education and society, pp. 150-82.
  186. Kai-wing Chow, "Writing for success: Printing, examinations, and intellectual change in late Ming China," Late Imperial China, 17, No. 1 ( June 1996), pp. 120-57.
  187. Wu Hui and Ko Hsien-hui, "Ch'ing ch'ien-ch'i ti liang-shih t'iao-chi," pp. 125-26;
  188. Tai I, Ch'ien-lung ti chi ch'i shih-tai (Peking, 1992), p. 109. Sales of degrees actually slowed in the first half of the nineteenth century, before rapidly accelerating in the financially desperate decades of the Taiping Rebellion and its aftermath. See Hsü Ta-ling, Ch'ing-tai chüan-na chih-tu (Peking, 1950).
  189. Chang, The Chinese gentry, pp. 102-11.
  190. Ted A. Telford, "Family and state in Ch'ing China: Marriage in the T'ung-ch'eng lineage, 1650-1880," in Family process and political process in modern Chinese history, ed. Institute of Modern History (Taipei, 1992), pp. 921-42; see esp. table 13 on p. 936.
  191. Michael Szonyi, "The cult of Hu Tianbao and the eighteenth-century discourse of homosexuality," Late Imperial China, 19, No. 1 (June 1998), pp. 1-25.
  192. Matthew Sommer, "The penetrated male: Judicial constructions and social stigma," Modern China, 23, No. 2 (April 1977), pp. 140-80.
  193. Yü Ying-shih, Chung-kuo chin-shih tsung-chiao lun-li yü shang-jen Ching-shen (Taipei, 1987), pp. 104-21.
  194. Ching Chün-chien, Ch'ing-tai she-hui ti chien-min teng-chi (Hangchow, 1993), ch. 4; Chung-li Chang, The Chinese gentry, p. 183.
  195. Yeh Hsien-en, Ming-Ch'ing Hui-chou nung-ts'un she-hui yü tien-p'u chih (Hofei, 1983), pp. 239-40. On the pre-Ch'ing manorial institution, see Sudo ¯ Yoshiyuki, Chu ¯goku tochi seidoshi kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1954);
  196. Mark Elvin, The pattern of the Chinese past (Stanford, 1973), ch. 6. On the collapse of the system in the Ming-Ch'ing transition, see Mori Masao, "Ju ¯roku-juhachi seiki ni okeru ko ¯sei to jinushi denko kankei," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 27, No. 4 (1969), pp. 69-111; Fu I-ling, "Ming-mo nan-fang ti 'tien-pien' 'nü pien'," Li-shih yen-chiu, 5 (1975), pp. 61-7; Li Wen-chih, Wan-Ming min-pien (Shanghai, 1989);
  197. Elvin, Pattern, ch. 15; and Mi Chu Wiens, "Lord and peasant: The sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries," Modern China, 6, No. 1 (Jan. 1980), pp. 3-39. The best single source on the Ch'ing servile-tenant system is Yeh Hsien-en's Ming-Ch'ing Hui-chou, ch. 6. See also Wei Ch'ing-yüan, Wu Ch'i-yen, and Lu Su, Ch'ing- tai nu-pi chih-tu (Peking, 1982);
  198. Li Wen-chih, Wei Chin-yü, and Ching Chün-chien, Ming-Ch'ing shih- tai ti nung-yeh tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya wen-t'i (Peking, 1983), introduction; and Ching Chün-chien, Chien-min teng-chi, pp. 236-51.
  199. Shih, Chinese rural society in transition, pp. 133-5.
  200. Wei Ch'ing-yüan et al., Ch'ing tai nu-pi chih-tu, pp. 169-88.
  201. Huang, Peasant economy, p. 85. For a concise overview of the process of land privatization, see Li Wen-chih, "Ts'ung ti-ch'üan hsing-chih ti pien-hua k'an Ming-Ch'ing shih-tai ti-chu ching-chi ti fa- chan," Chung-kuo she-hui ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 1 (1991), pp. 12-15.
  202. 86 The following paragraphs are based on Li Wen-chih et al., Nung-yeh tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya, pp. 245-7 and 265-89 (sections written by Ching Chün-chien); and Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Lun Ch'ing-tai ch'ien- ch'i nung-yeh ku-yung lao-tung ti hsing-chih," Ch'ing-shih yen-chiu chi, 1 (1980), pp. 91-112. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  203. On Ch'ing administrative incorporation and local resistance, see variously: Ma Shao-ch'iao, Ch'ing-tai Miao-min ch'i-i (Wuhan, 1956);
  204. Kent C. Smith, "Ch'ing policy and the development of southwest China: Aspects of Ortai's governor-generalship, 1726-1731" (diss., Yale University, 1970);
  205. Pei Huang, Autocracy at work, pp. 274-98; Feng Erh-k'ang, Yung-cheng chuan, pp. 230-45; John E. Herman, "Empire in the southwest: Early Qing reforms to the native chieftain system," JAS, 56, No. 1 (Feb. 1997), pp. 47-74;
  206. Donald S. Sutton, "Ethnicity and the Miao frontier in the eighteenth century," and Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  207. Anne Csete, "Ethnicity, conflict, and the state in the early to mid-Qing: The Hainan highlands, 1644-1800," both in Pamela Crossley, Helen Siu, and Donald Sutton, eds., Empire at the margins: Culture, ethnicity and frontier in early modern China (forthcoming).
  208. This literature is sensitively surveyed in Claudine Lombard-Salmon, Un Example d'Acculturation Chinoise: La Province du Guizhou au XVIIIe Siècle (Paris, 1972).
  209. Yang Shen, "On 'the people' " (Lun min), cited in Lee, "Legacy of immigration," p. 292. See also Lombard-Salmon, Un Example d'Acculturation Chinoise, pp. 57-9.
  210. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 william t. rowe 118 The literature on early and mid-Ch'ing Hunanese commercialization is enormous. See for example Nakamura Jihei, "Shindai Koko ¯ kome ryu ¯tsu ¯no ichimen," pp. 53-65; Kitamura Hironao, "Shindai no sho ¯pin shicho ¯ ni tsuite," Keizaigaku zasshi, 28, No. 3 (1952), pp. 1-19; Shigeta Atsushi, "Shinsho ni okeru Konan beishicho ¯ no ikko ¯satsu," To ¯yo ¯ bunka kenkyu ¯jo kiyo, 10 (1956), pp. 427-98, and "Shinmo ni okeru Konan cha no shin zankai," in his Shindai shakai keizai shi kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1975), pp. 207-38;
  211. Rawski, Agricultural change, ch. 5; Peter C. Perdue, Exhausting the earth: State and peasant in Hunan, 1500-1850 (Cambridge, Mass., 1987); and Chung Yung-ning, "Shih-lun shih-pa shih-chi Hsiang mi lun-ch'u ti k'o-hsing-hsing wen-t'i," Chung-kuo she-hui ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 3 (1990), pp. 65-71.
  212. Within a large literature, see Liang Fang-chung, The single whip method of taxation in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1956);
  213. Ch'üan Han-sheng, "Mei-chou pai-yin yü shih-pa shih-chi Chung-kuo wu-chia ko-ming ti kuan-hsi," in his Chung-kuo ching-chi shih lun-ts'ung (Hong Kong, 1972); Ch'en Chao-nan, Yung- cheng Ch'ien-lung nien-chien ti yin-ch'ien pi-chia pien-tung (Taipei, 1966);
  214. and Hans Ulrich Vogel, "Chinese central monetary policy, 1644-1800," Late Imperial China, 8, No. 2 (Dec. 1987), pp. 1-52.
  215. Shepherd, Statecraft and political economy on the Taiwan frontier, p. 17.
  216. Thomas Buoye, "From patrimony to commodity: Changing concepts of land and social conflict in Guangdong province during the Qianlong reign (1736-1795)," Late Imperial China, 14, No. 2 (Dec. 1993), pp. 33-59;
  217. Melissa Macauley, "Civil and uncivil disputes in late imperial Fujian, 1723-1820," in Kathryn Bernhardt and Philip C. C. Huang, eds., Civil law in Qing and republican China (Stanford, 1994), pp. 85-121. On the more general question of the Ch'ing state's attitude toward property rights, see Philip C. C. Huang, Civil justice in China: Representation and practice in the Qing (Stanford, 1996). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 william t. rowe
  218. Allan Barr, "Four schoolmasters: Educational issues in Li Hai-kuan's Lamp at the crossroads," and Angela Ki Che Leung, "Elementary education in the lower Yangtze region in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries," both in Elman and Woodside, eds., Education and society, pp. 50-75 and 381-416 respectively.
  219. Cynthia J. Brokaw, "Commercial publishing in late imperial China: The Zou and Ma family businesses," Late Imperial China, 17, No. 1 ( June 1996), pp. 49-92; Ellen Widmer, "The Huanduzhai of Hangzhou and Suzhou: A study in seventeenth-century publishing," HJAS, 56, No. 1 (1996), pp. 77-122.
  220. Angela Ki Che Leung, "Organized medicine in Ming-Qing China: State and private medical institu- tions in the lower Yangzi region," Late Imperial China, 8, No. 1 ( June 1987), pp. 134-66; Lü Ying- fan, "Ch'ing-tai i-hsüeh shih chien-shu," Ch'ing-shih yen-chiu chi, 7 (1990), pp. 82-107.
  221. Melissa Macauley, Social power and legal culture: Litigation masters in late imperial China (Stanford, 1998). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  222. Richard John Lufrano, Honorable merchants: Commerce and self-cultivation in late imperial China (Honolulu, 1997). See also Timothy Brook, "Guides for vexed travellers: Route books in the Ming and Qing," Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, No. 5 (June 1981);
  223. Brokaw, The ledgers of merit and demerit; von Glahn, "The enchantment of wealth."
  224. P'eng Tse-i, "Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i shou-kung-yeh ti fa-chan," Chung-kuo shih yen-chiu, 1 (1981), pp. 43-60.
  225. Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Shih-lun Ch'ing-tai Su-chou shou-kung-yeh hang-hui," Li-shih yen-chiu, 11 (1959), pp. 21-46, also trans. in Chinese Studies in History, 15, Nos. 1-2 (Fall-Winter 1981-82), pp. 113-67. For a representative sampling of other studies on this topic, see Chung-kuo tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya wen- t'i lun-wen chi (Shanghai, 1983). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  226. 156 Some mid-Ch'ing subjects also found mining work outside the borders of formal empire, in Burma and Vietnam. E-tu Zen Sun, "Mining labor in the Ch'ing period," in Albert Feuerwerker, Rhoads Murphey, and Mary C. Wright, eds., Approaches to modern Chinese history (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 45-67.
  227. 157 There is an extraordinarily large literature on this subject in Chinese and Japanese. In English, see Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Handicraft guilds in Soochow"; Peter Golas, "Early Ch'ing guilds," in Skinner, ed., The city in late imperial China, pp. 555-80; and William T. Rowe, "Ming-Qing guilds," Ming Qing Yanjiu (Rome, 1992), pp. 47-60. A rich documentary record of early Ch'ing handicraft guilds is available in such published compilations as Niida Noboru, ed., Pekin ko ¯sho ¯ girudo shiryo ¯ shü (Tokyo, 1976);
  228. Ming- Ch'ing Su-chou kung-shang-yeh pei-k'e chi (Soochow, 1981); Ming-Ch'ing Fo-shan pei-k'e wen-hsien ching- chi tzu-liao (Canton, 1987); and Ch'ing-tai Ch'ien-Chia-Tao Pa-hsien tang-an hsüan-pien (Chengtu, 1989).
  229. Imahori Seiji, "Jyaaniiman girudo," in his To ¯yo ¯ shakai keizai shi josetsu (Kyoto, 1963), pp. 122-90.
  230. Yokoyama Suguru, Chu ¯goku kindaika no keizai ko ¯zo ¯(Tokyo, 1972), pp. 101-43. william t. rowe
  231. Yang Shen, Pin-feng kuang-i (rpt. Peking, 1962). This work and the broader cultural and economic implications of the free commoner household ideal are discussed in my Chen Hongmou, passim. I owe some of the ideas expressed here to conversations on the subject with Susan Mann.
  232. Tso Yün-p'eng, "Ssu-t'ang tsu-chang tsu-ch'üan ti hsing-ch'eng chi ch'i tso-yung shih-shuo," Li-shih yen-chiu, 5, and 6 (1964), pp. 97-116; Patricia Buckley Ebrey, "The early stages in the development of descent group organization," in Ebrey and James L. Watson, eds., Kinship organization in late impe- rial China, 1000-1940 (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 16-61;
  233. David Faure, "The lineage as a cultural inven- tion: The case of the Pearl River delta," Modern China, 15, No. 1 ( Jan. 1989), pp. 4-36. For an anthropologist's expression of this newer understanding of lineages, see P. Steven Sangren, "Traditional Chinese corporations: Beyond kinship," JAS, 43, No. 3 (May 1984), pp. 391-415.
  234. Hsü Hua-an, "Shih-hsi Ch'ing-tai Chiang-hsi tsung-tsu ti chieh-kou yü kung-neng t'e-tien," Chung- kuo she-hui ching-chi yen-chiu, 1 (1993), pp. 47-55.
  235. Robert Hymes, Statesmen and gentlemen: The elite of Fu-chou, Chiang-hsi, in northern and southern Sung (Cambridge, 1986). For the further elaboration of this strategy in later eras, see Keith Hazleton, "Patri- lines and the development of localized lineages: The Wu of Hsiu-ning City, Hui-chou, to 1528," in Ebrey and Watson, eds., Kinship organization, pp. 137-69, and John Dardess, A Ming society: T'ai-ho County, Kiangsi, fourteenth to seventeenth centuries (Berkeley, 1996).
  236. Jerry Dennerline, "Marriage, adoption, and charity in the development of lineages in Wu-hsi from Sung to Ch'ing," in Ebrey and Watson, eds., Kinship organization, pp. 170-209; Beattie, Land and lineage.
  237. Ron Guey Chu, "Ancestral hall and Confucian rites in pre-modern Taiwan," paper presented to the Conference on Ritual and Community Life in East Asia, Montreal, October 1996. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  238. Fu I-ling, "Lun hsiang-tsu shih-li tui-yü Chung-kuo feng-chien ching-chi ti kan-she," in his Ming- Ch'ing ching-chi shih lun-wen chi (Peking, 1982), pp. 78-102; Mori Masao, "Kyo ¯zoku o megutte," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 44, No. 1 (1985), pp. 137-53. Evidence from the Middle Yangtze region shows a similar settling in of lineages at the hsiang level, but not accompanied by the "moral economy"-tinged antidevelopmentalism found by Fu in the southeast; see Rowe, "Success stories," p. 79.
  239. Hsü Hua-an, "Chiang-hsi tsung-tsu"; William T. Rowe, "Ancestral rites and political authority in late imperial China," Modern China, 24, No. 4 (Oct. 1998), pp. 378-407.
  240. Beattie, Land and lineage in China; Shih, Chinese rural society in transition.
  241. Hui-chen Wang Liu, "An analysis of Chinese clan rules: Confucian theories in action," in David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright, eds., Confucianism in action (Stanford, 1959), pp. 63-96; Charlotte Furth, "The patriarch's legacy: Household instructions and the transmission of orthodox values," in Liu, ed., Orthodoxy in late imperial China, pp. 187-211; Chow, Rise of Confucian ritualism, chs. 3 and 8.
  242. Chang Jen-shan, pp. 24-5; Chü Huan-wu, "Ch'ing-tai hsing-lü ti ch'ü-fa i shen-ch'ing," in Family process and political process, pp. 847-900.
  243. Chu Yung, Ch'ing-tai tsung-tsu fa yen-chiu (Changsha, 1987), pp. 157-70; Rowe, "Ancestral rites and political authority," pp. 378-407. See also Feng Erh-k'ang, Yung-cheng chuan, pp. 362-3; Hsü Hua-an, "Chiang-hsi tsung-tsu," p. 54; Tso Yün-p'eng, "Ssu-t'ang tsu-chang tsu-ch'üan ti hsing- ch'eng chi ch'i tso-yung shih-shuo," p. 107; and Shih, Chinese rural society in transition, pp. 181-4.
  244. Chuang Chi-fa, "Ch'ing-tai she-hui ching-chi fa-pein yü pi-mi she-tang ti fa-chan: T'ai-wan, Kuang- hsi, Yün-kuei ti-ch'u ti pi-chiao yen-chiu," in Institute of Modern History, ed., Ch'ing-tai Chung-kuo ch'u-yü shih yen-t'ao-hui lun-wen chi (Nankang, 1986), pp. 335-86; Averill, "The shed people," pp. 104-8.
  245. Ts'ui-jung Liu, "Dike construction in Ching-chou," Papers on China, 23 (1970), pp. 1-28.
  246. See various studies by James L. Watson, including "Hereditary tenancy and corporate landlordism in traditional China: A case study," Modern Asian Studies, 11, No. 2 (1977), pp. 161-82, and by Harry J. Lamley, including "Lineage and surname feuds in southern Fukien and eastern Kwangtung under the Ch'ing," in Liu, Orthodoxy, pp. 255-80.
  247. 180 The following paragraphs derive primarily from Rubie S. Watson, "The creation of a Chinese lineage: The Teng of Ha Tsuen, 1669-1751," Modern Asian Studies, 16, No. 1 (1982), pp. 69-100, and "Corporate property and local leadership in the Pearl River delta, 1898-1941," in Esherick and Rankin, eds., Chinese local elites, pp. 239-60; James L. Watson, "Hereditary tenancy and corporate land- lordism;" and Michael J. E. Palmer, "The surface-subsoil form of divided ownership in late imperial China: Some examples from the New Territories of Hong Kong," Modern Asian Studies, 21, No. 1 (1987), pp. 1-119.
  248. G. William Skinner, "Introduction: Urban development in imperial China" and "Regional urbaniza- tion in nineteenth-century China," in Skinner, ed., The city in late imperial China, pp. 3-31 and 211-49. See also Mark Elvin, "Chinese cities since the Sung dynasty," in Philip Abrams and E. A. Wrigley, eds., Towns in societies: Essays in economic history and historical sociology (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 79-89; Lee and Wang, One quarter of humanity, ch. 7.
  249. G. William Skinner, "Marketing and social structure in rural China," Part 2, JAS, 24, No. 2 (1965), pp. 195-228.
  250. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and society, p. 277; Kwangtung Academy of Social Sciences, Institute of History et al., eds., Ming-Ch'ing Fo-shan pei-k'o wen-hsien ching-chi tzu-liao (Canton, 1987), pp. 340-1;
  251. Tu Li, "Ya-p'ien chan-cheng ch'ien Shang-hai hang-hui hsing-chih chih shan-pien," in Chung-kuo tzu- pen-chu-i meng-ya wen-t'i lun-wen-chi, pp. 369-90; Linda Cooke Johnson, Shanghai: From market town to treaty port, 1074-1858 (Stanford, 1995), ch. 5.
  252. Perdue, "Insiders and outsiders," pp. 166-201.
  253. A celebrated statement of this is Teng T'o, "Lun 'Hung-lou meng' ti she-hui pei-ching ho li-shih i-i" originally published in the People's Daily in 1955 and triumphantly republished in the process of Teng's post-Cultural Revolution rehabilitation in his Lun Chung-kuo li-shih chi-ko wen-t'i (Peking, 1979), pp. 167-88. See also Fu I-ling, Ming-Ch'ing shih-tai shang-jen chi shang-yeh tzu-pen (Peking, 1956). For a similar argument in English, see Paul S. Ropp, Dissent in early modern China: "Ju-lin wai-shih" and Ch'ing social criticism (Ann Arbor, 1981), ch. 1.
  254. Kuhn, Soulstealers, pp. 71-2. For a fuller discussion, see Kao Hsiang, Ch'ien-lung hsia Chiang-nan (Peking, 1989). Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  255. Angela Ki Che Leung (Liang Ch'i-tzu), "L'accueil des enfants abandonnés dans la Chine du bas-Yangzi aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles," Études chinoises, 4, No. 1 (Spring 1985), pp. 15-54; Liang Ch'i-tzu, "Ming-mo Ch'ing-ch'u min-chien tz'u-shan huo-tung ti hsing-ch'i," Shih-huo yüeh-k'an, 15, Nos. 7-8 (Jan. 1986), pp. 304-31; Fuma Susumu, "Shindai Sho ¯ko ¯ ikueito ¯ no keiei jittai to chiho shakai," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 45, No. 3 (Dec. 1986), pp. 55-89;
  256. William T. Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and community in a Chinese city, 1796-1895 (Stanford, 1989), pp. 99-105; Rowe, Saving the world, ch. 11. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  257. Mary Backus Rankin, "Managed by the people: Officials, gentry, and the Foshan charitable granary, 1795-1845," Late Imperial China, 15, No. 2 (Dec. 1994), pp. 1-52. The prefix "i" (charitable) became widely used for a range of institutions in the eighteenth century, in some cases systematically distin- guishing the institutions it named from other similar institutions -such as she-hsüeh and she-ts'ang, "community" schools and granaries -and in some cases applied indiscriminately.
  258. Angela Ki Che Leung, "To chasten society: The development of widow homes in the Qing, 1773-1911," Late Imperial China, 14, No. 2 (Dec. 1993), pp. 1-32.
  259. Morita Akira, "Kyu ¯sho ¯bune ni tsuite: Shindai ni okeru shakai jigyo ¯ no hitokusari," Shigaku kenkyu ¯, 66 (1957), pp. 1-12;
  260. Fuma, "Zento ¯, zenkai no shuppatsu," pp. 206-7.
  261. Feng Erh-k'ang, Yung-cheng chuan, pp. 368-9. See also Naquin, "Pilgrimage," pp. 351-2.
  262. Thomas Shiyu Li and Susan Naquin, "The Baoming temple: Religion and the throne in Ming and Qing China," HJAS, 48, No. 1 (1988), pp. 131-88.
  263. Susan Naquin, "Connections between rebellions: Sect family networks in Qing China," Modern China, 8, No. 3 ( July 1982), pp. 337-60; Susan Naquin, "The transmission of White Lotus sectarianism in late imperial China," in David Johnson, Andrew J. Nathan, and Evelyn S. Rawski, eds., Popular culture in late imperial China (Berkeley, 1985), pp. 255-91.
  264. 226 Ti yi li-shih tang-an kuan, comps., Ch'ing-tai t'u-ti chan-yu kuan-his yü tien-nung k'ang-tzu tou-cheng, 2 Vols. (Peking, 1988), contains summaries of 279 such cases from the Ministry's archives.
  265. Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i tien-nung k'ang-tsu tou-cheng ti hsin fa-chan," Ch'ing-shih lun-ts'ung 1 (1979), pp. 54-77; Thomas Buoye, Manslaughter, markets, and moral economy: Violent dis- putes over property rights during the Qianlong reign (Cambridge, 2000). Buoye usefully breaks this trend down by region of the empire and attributes the rise and decline of homicides to shifts in local cus- tomary law which followed, but lagged behind, the de facto process of commodification of land rights.
  266. On ethnic violence see Perdue, "Insiders and outsiders." This was often particularly endemic in frontier areas, newly settled by persons of disparate local origin; see for example Harry Lamley, "Subethnic rivalries in the Ch'ing period," in Emily Ahern and Hill Gates, eds., The anthropology of Taiwan society (Stanford, 1981), pp. 282-318.
  267. Donald DeGlopper, "Social structure in a nineteenth-century Taiwanese port city," in Skinner, ed., The city in late imperial China, pp. 633-50.
  268. 230 Among the many studies by Harry J. Lamley of this phenomenon, see his "Lineage and surname feuds in southen Fukien and eastern Kwangtung under the Ch'ing," in Liu, ed., Orthodoxy, pp. 255-80.
  269. Ts'ui-jung Liu, "Dike construction in Ching Chou"; Peter C. Perdue, "Official goals and local inter- ests," JAS, 41, No. 4 (Aug. 1982), pp. 747-65.
  270. Chung-leno jen-min ta-hsüeh Ch'ing shih yen-chiu suo tang-an hsi, comp., K'ang-Yung-Ch'ien shih- ch'i ch'eng-hsiang jen-min fan-k'ang tou-cheng tzu-liao (Peking, 1979). The Iron Cudgel Society case is discussed on p. 103. Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Tien-nung k'ang-tzu tou-cheng," offers a systematic inter- pretation of this data by one of its compilers.
  271. R. Bin Wong, "Food riots in the Qing dynasty," JAS, 41, No. 4 (Aug. 1982), pp. 767-88. For capsule descriptions of 55 such incidents, see K'ang-Yung-Ch'ien shih-ch'i ch'eng-hsiang jen-min fan-k'ang tou- cheng tzu-liao, pp. 562-94.
  272. Li Hua, "Shih-lun Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i ti shih-min tou-cheng," Wen-shih-che, 10 (1957), pp. 54-62;
  273. Liu Yung-ch'eng, "Su-chou shou-kung-yeh hang-hui"; K'ang-Yung-Ch'ien shih-ch'i ch'eng-hsiang jen-min fan-k'ang tou-cheng tzu-liao, pp. 519-61.
  274. Santangelo, "Urban society in Suzhou," pp. 113-15.
  275. For examples in English of this older scholarship, see Jean Chesneaux, Popular movements and secret societies in China, 1840-1950 (Stanford, 1972), and Fei-ling Davis, Primitive revolutionaries of China (Honolulu, 1977). These works were rooted in a much larger historical literature in Chinese and Japanese with the same set of themes.
  276. For social unrest in the Shun-chih reign, see Wakeman, The great enterprise, ch. 9 and passim. For per- sisting sentiments of anti-Manchuism, see Elliott, "Resident aliens."
  277. This is a consistent theme in current historiography, effectively a collective project of Taiwanese, Chinese, and American scholars. See most notably the following: Chuang Chi-fa, "T'ai-wan, Kuang- hsi, Yün-Kuei"; Chuang Chi-fa, "T'ai-wan, Kuang-hsi, Yün-Kuei"; Chuang Chi-fa, "Ch'ing-tai Min- Yüeh ti-ch'u ti she-hui ching-chi pien-i yü pi-mi hui-tang ti fa-chan," in Ti erh chieh kuo-chi Han-hsüeh hui-I lun-wen chi: Ming, Ch'ing, yü chin-tai li tsu (Nankang, 1989), pp. 409-46; Cai Shaoqing, "On the origin of the Gelaohui," Modern China, 10, No. 4 (1984), pp. 481-508; Ts'ai Shao-ch'ing, Chung-kuo chin-tai hui-t'ang shih yen-chiu (Peking, 1987); Ts'ai Shao-ch'ing, Chung-kuo pi-mi she-hui (Hangchow, 1989);
  278. Ch'in Pao-ch'i, Ch'ing ch'ien-ch'i T'ien-ti-hui yen-chiu (Peking, 1988);
  279. Dian H. Murray, The origins of the Tiandihui: The Chinese Triads in legend and history (Stanford, 1994);
  280. and David Ownby, Brother- Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 estimates (his medium and high figures). Adopting our range of benchmark estimates implies that the annual rate of population growth from 1700 to 1794 rose between 0.47 and 0.80 percent. Estimates by Yim can be found in Shu-yuan Yim, "Famine relief statistics as a guide to the population of sixteenth-century China," Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i 3:9 (Nov. 1978), pp. 1-30. For those by Ko Chien-hsiung, see his Chung-kuo jen-k'ou fa-chan shih (Fu-chou, 1991), pp. 240-1. For Ming estimates by Heijdra, see the Cambridge history of China, Vol. 8, p. 438. For the 1794 official estimate, see Ho, Studies on the population of China, p. 270.
  281. Marks, Tigers, rice, silk and silt, pp. 327-45.
  282. Lawrence D. Kessler, K'ang-hsi and the consolidation of Ch'ing rule, 1661-1684 (Chicago, 1976), p. 167.
  283. Ho, Studies on the population of China, p. 139. See also the account of migrants settling Szechwan in early Ch'ing by Mori Noriko, "Shindai Shisen no imin keizai," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 45, No. 4 (March 1987), pp. 141-68. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  284. 19 For grain market integration in Kwangtung province, see Ch'en Ch'ün-sheng, "Ch'ing-tai chung-yeh Ling-nan ch'u-yü shih-ch'ang ti cheng-ho: mi-chia tung-t'ai ti shu-li fen-hsi," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1993), pp. 99-106. See also Wu Ch'eng-ming, "Li-yung liang-chia pien-tung yen-chiu Ch'ing-tai ti shih-ch'ang cheng-ho," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1996), pp. 88-91. Grain price trends in the four southeastern provinces of Kiangsu, Chekiang, Fukien, and Kwangtung showed a moderate increase, a clear pattern of seasonal price variation, four-year cyclical price rise and decline, and a weak price variation between the Yangtze and Canton delta, but high grain price correlation between Ch'uan-chou and Canton cities and between Ch'uan-chou and Hang-chou cities. See Wang Yeh-chien and Huang Ying-chueh, "Ch'ing chung-yeh tung-nan yen-hai ti liang-shih tso-wu fen-pu liang-shih kung-hsu chi liang-chia fen-hsi," BIHP, 70, No. 2 (1999), pp. 363-97.
  285. Wang Yeh-chien, "Secular Trends of Rice Prices in the Yangzi Delta, 1638-1935," in Chinese history in economic perspective, ed. Thomas G. Rawski and Lillian M. Li (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 40-3.
  286. Kishimoto Mio, Shindai Chu ¯goku no bukka to keizai hendo ¯(Tokyo, 1997), pp. 118-19.
  287. Yeh-chien Wang, "Food supply in eighteenth-century Fukien," Late Imperial China, 7, No. 2 (Dec. 1986), p. 100.
  288. Lillian M. Li, "Grain prices in Zhili province, 1736-1911: A preliminary study," in Rawski and Li, eds., Chinese history in economic perspective, pp. 76-7.
  289. Peter C. Perdue, "The Qing state and the Gansu grain market, 1739-1864," in Rawski and Li, eds., Chinese history in economic perspective, pp. 114-15.
  290. Douglass C. North, "Economic developments in historical perspective: The western world," in Ramon H. Myers, ed., The wealth of nations in the twentieth century: The policies and institutional determinants of eco- nomic development (Stanford, 1996), pp. 39-53; and Douglass C. North, "Epilogue: Economic perfor- mance through time," in Lee J. Alston, Thrain Eggertsson, and Douglass C. North, eds., Empirical studies in institutional change (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 342-55.
  291. For this definition of the political elite in the early Ch'ing period, see Jonathan D. Spence, Ts'ao Yin and the K'ang-hsi Emperor: Bondservant and master (New Haven, 1966), p. 45.
  292. Kung-chuan Hsiao, Rural China: Imperial control in the nineteenth century (Seattle, 1960) for a rich account of Ch'ing social control by the pao-chia and li-chia and for ideological controls (chs. 2, 3, and 6).
  293. Evelyn Sakakida Rawski, Education and popular literacy in Ch'ing China (Ann Arbor, 1979), pp. 33-52, 92-5.
  294. Kai-wing Chow, The rise of Confucian ritualism in late imperial China: Ethics, classics, and lineage discourse (Stanford, 1994), chs. 2-5. See also Francesca Bray, Technology and gender: Fabrics of power in late imper- ial China (Berkeley, 1997). See chs. 1, 4, and 9, which describe the Confucian normative role for women. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  295. 43 Gilbert Rozman, Urban networks in Ch'ing China and Tokugawa Japan (Princeton, 1973), p. 300. We apply Rozman's percentage estimates to 1770 population estimates.
  296. G. William Skinner, "Regional urbanization in nineteenth-century China," in The city in late imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (Stanford, 1977), p. 211.
  297. Jan de Vries, European urbanization, 1500-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), p. 262.
  298. Ibid., pp. 263-4.
  299. 47 Map 10 is derived from Wang Yeh-chien, Huang Hsiang-yü, and Hsieh Mei-ngo, "Shih-pa shih-ch'i Chung-kuo liang-shih tsu-wu ti fen-pu" (The distribution of foodgrain crops in eighteenth-century China), in Hao Yen-p'ing and Wei Shui-mei, Chin-shih Chung-kuo chih ch'uan-t'ung yü shui-pien (Taipei: Chung-yang yen-chiu yuan chin-tai-shih yen-chiu-so, 1998), p. 307.
  300. Marks, Tigers, rice, silk, and silt, pp. 196-7.
  301. Chang Chung-min, "Hsiao sheng-ch'an, ta liu-t'ung," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1996), pp. 42-9. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  302. Hsü T'an, "Ming-Ch'ing shih-ch'i nung-ts'un chi-shih ti fa-chan," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1997), p. 39. For more evidence of market town proliferation in early Ch'ing, such as specialized markets for raw materials, mules, iron tools, seeds, and fertilizer in Shantung province, see Hsü T'an and Ching Chün-chien, "Ming-Ch'ing shih-ch'i Shan-tung sheng-ch'an tzu-liao shih-ch'ang ch'u-t'an," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 4 (1988), pp. 44-58; in the Kiangnan region's prefectural areas there were 410 large markets in the second half of the eighteenth century compared to only 226 between 1522 and 1620. See Ch'en Chung-p'ing, "Ming-Ch'ing shih-ch'i: Chiang-nan ti-ch'u shih-ch'ang k'ao- ch'a," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1990), pp. 24-40.
  303. Mazumdar, Sugar and society in China, p. 314.
  304. We have no studies that identify this growth in number and size of villages, but preliminary research on towns in Kiang-nan by Fan I-chun indicates this pattern occurred in the eighteenth century (see note 54).
  305. These market town attributes have been classifed by Teng I-p'ing, "Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i ti shih-chen," Chung-kuo she-hui ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 3 (1997), pp. 24-38 and 84. Teng's important essay uses a large number of local histories to describe the size of these market towns, their population numbers, their economic functions, and the villages in the surrounding countryside.
  306. According to discussions with Fan I-chun of the Institute of Philology and History, Academia Sinica, Nankang, Taiwan, who is currently constructing a digital map of market towns in the Kiangnan region for the early Ch'ing period, there was a vast expansion of villages and households in this region along with the growth in number of market towns. His preliminary research findings support our claim that the customary economy grew alongside the market economy. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  307. Fan I-chun, Long-distance trade and market integration in the Ming-Ch'ing period, 1400-1850 (Stanford, 1992), p. 126. Fan's estimates are probably underreported because, as Ko ¯saka Masanori has argued, Ch'ing customs stations typically did not tax and record the aggregate amount of goods flowing from their origin to other cities. See Ko ¯saka Masanori, "Shindai chu ¯ki no ko ¯shu to sho ¯hin ryu ¯tsu ¯: kita shinkei o chu ¯shin to shite," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 50, No. 1 ( June 1991), pp. 34-57.
  308. G. W. Skinner, "Introduction: Urban development in imperial China," in G. W. Skinner, ed., The city in late imperial China (Stanford, 1977), p. 10.
  309. Lien-sheng Yang, "Government control of urban merchants in traditional China," Tsing-hua Journal of Chinese Studies, N.S. 8, Nos. 1 and 2 (Aug. 1970), pp. 186-205.
  310. 74 Metzger, "The state and commerce," p. 17.
  311. Thomas A. Metzger, "On the historical roots of economic modernization in China: The increasing dif- ferentiation of the economy from the polity during late Ming and early Ch'ing times," in Chi-ming Hou and Tzong-shian Yu, eds., Modern Chinese economic history: Proceedings of the conference on modern Chinese economic history (Taipei, 1979), pp. 8-9.
  312. Mark Elvin, The pattern of the Chinese past: A social and economic interpretation (Stanford, 1973), pp. 235-40;
  313. Joseph P. McDermott, "Bondservants in the T'ai-hu basin during the late Ming: A case of mistaken identities," JAS, 40, No. 4 (Aug. 1981), p. 677.
  314. Wei Chin-yü, "Ming-Ch'ing shih-tai tien-nung ti nung-nu ti-wei," Li-shih yen-chiu, 5 (1963), pp. 109-34, and Oyama Masaaki, "Large landownership in the Kiangnan delta region during the late Ming-early Qing period," in Linda Grove and Christian Daniels, eds., State and society in China: Japanese perspectives on Ming-Qing social and economic history (Tokyo, 1984), pp. 79-100.
  315. Li Wen-chih, "Lun Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i ti t'u-ti chan-yu kuan-hsi," Li-shih yen-chiu, 5 (1963), p. 79. 79 Ibid., p. 80.
  316. Wei Chin-yü, "Ming-Ch'ing shih-tai tien-nung ti nung-nu ti-wei," p. 128. See also Ou-yang Fan, "Ming-Ch'ing liang-tai nung-yeh ku-kung fa-liu shang jen-shen li-shu kuan-hsi ti chieh-fang," Ching- chi yen-chiu, 6 (1961), pp. 49-63.
  317. Nishimura Gensho ¯, "Shinsho no tochi jo ¯ryo ¯ ni tsuite: tochi taicho ¯ to onden o meguru kokka to kyo ¯shin no tai ko ¯ o kijiku to shite," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu, 33, No. 3 (Dec. 1974), p. 103.
  318. Ibid., p. 108. 83 Ibid., pp. 118-19.
  319. Yeh-chien Wang, Land taxation in imperial China, 1750-1911 (Cambridge, 1973), p. 27. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  320. 85 Quoted from William T. Rowe, "State and market in mid-Qing economic thought: The case of Chen Hongmou," Études chinoises, 12, No. 1 (Spring 1993), p. 18. The early Ch'ing intellectual Yeh Meng- chu from Shanghai County in Sungkiang prefecture said that small corvée imposed a heavier burden on small households than in the late Ming. See Yamamoto Ei'shi, "Tax farming by the gentry: Re- organization of the tax collection system in the early Qing," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, No. 57 (Tokyo, 1999), p. 63.
  321. For a good example of these developments, see Fujita Keiichi, "Shinsho santo ¯ ni okeru fueki ni tsuite," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 24, No. 2 (Sept. 1965), pp. 1-25. Fujita shows that the wealthy bore a heavy corvée burden.
  322. Yeh-chien Wang, Land taxation in imperial China, p. 27. See also Kitamura Hironao, "Shindai ni okeru sozei keikaku (chitei heicho ¯)," Shakai keizai shigaku, 15, Nos. 3-4 (1949), pp. 1-38.
  323. County (hsien) officials also had an office for collecting land taxes (li-shu), and interested readers should consult Saeki Tomi, "Shindai no risho: Shindai zaisei mondai no ichi shaku," To ¯yo ¯ gakuho ¯, 46, No. 3 (Dec. 1963), pp. 66-77.
  324. Nishimura Gensho ¯, "Shinsho no ho ¯ran: shicho ¯ taisei no kakuritsu, kaiken kara ukeoi fucho ¯ zeisei e," To ¯yo ¯shi kenkyu ¯, 35, No. 3 (Dec. 1976), pp. 114-74. In this important article, the author argues that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Ch'ing tax system became one of the state contracting with elite groups in society to collect the local land tax. See also Yamamoto Ei'shi, "Tax farming by the gentry," p. 63.
  325. See Yamamoto Ei'shi, "Tax farming by the gentry," pp. 73-85.
  326. Chi-ming Hou and Kuo-chi Li, "Local government finance in the late Ch'ing," in Chi-ming Hou and Tzong-hsian Yu, eds., Modern Chinese economic history (Taipei, 1979), pp. 520-4, and Ts'ui-jung Liu and John C. H. Fei, "An analysis of the land tax burden in China, 1650-1865," Journal of Economic History, 37, No. 2 ( June 1977), pp. 359-81.
  327. Ho, Studies on the population of China, 1368-1953, p. 139.
  328. For new evidence of the amount of land reclamation in early Ch'ing, see P'eng Yu-hsin, comp., Ch'ing- tai t'u-ti k'ai-t'ien shih tzu-liao hui-pien (Wuhan, 1992).
  329. Hsü Chien-ch'ing, "Ch'ing-tai K'ang-Ch'ien shih-ch'i Chiang-su sheng ti chüan-mien," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 4 (1990), p. 89.
  330. Ch'en Chen-han, Hsiung Cheng-wen, Li Shen, and Yin Han-chang, eds., Ch'ing-shih-lu ching-chi tzu- liao: Shun-chih-Chia-ch'ing-chi, nung-yeh (Peking, 1989), Vol. 2, p. 298. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  331. Morita Akira, Shindai suirishi kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1995), p. 413. See also Matsuda Yoshiro ¯, "Min-Shin jidai Sekko ¯ Kinken no suiri jigyo ¯," in Chu ¯goku suirishi kenkyu ¯kai, ed., Sato ¯ hakushi kanreki kinen: Chu ¯goku suirishi ronsho ¯(Tokyo, 1981), pp. 268-312. Matsuda's data show that the largest number of constructed waterworks projects in Yin County occurred between 1736 and 1820, or about 34 percent of all con- struction projects between 1368 and 1937. See p. 274.
  332. Ch'en Chen-han et al., eds., Ch'ing-shih-lu ching-chi tzu-liao, Vol. 2, pp. 298-9.
  333. Hoshi Ayao, Min-Shin jidai ko ¯tsu ¯shi no kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1971), p. 322. Also Unno Kazutaka, "Shindai daiunga so ¯un no chii teki ko ¯satsu," O ¯saka Gakuei daigaku kiyo ¯, 3 (1955), pp. 124-34. Unno estimates that the Kiangnan grain tribute came to 85-90 percent of ship cargo and that 55 percent of that was rice. Some six thousand ships used the canal, with fleets of thirty to one hundred operating at intervals. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  334. 110 Will and Wong, Nourish the people, p. 49. 111 Ibid., table A.1. 112 Ibid., p. 107.
  335. Pierre-Étienne Will, Bureaucratie et famine en Chine au 18e siècle (Paris, 1980), pp. 37-40. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  336. Susan Mann, Local merchants and the Chinese bureaucracy, 1750-1950 (Stanford, 1987), p. 44. Susan Mann was the first scholar to use Weber's concept of liturgical organization to describe how local offi- cials collected brokerage taxes from markets.
  337. Mann, Local merchants, p. 46.
  338. Hsü T'an and Ching Chün-chien, "Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i shang-shui wen-t'i hsin-t'an," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 2 (1990), p. 90. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  339. 125 For a discussion of "correct agriculture," see Pierre-Étienne Will, "Développement quantitatif et développement qualitatif en Chine à la fin de l'epoque imperial," Annales: Histoire, sciences sociales, 49, No. 4 (1994), p. 877.
  340. Chang Fang, "Ming-Ch'ing chi-fu ti-ch'u shui-tou chung-chih ti fa-chan chi ch'i chih-yüeh yin-su," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 1 (1996), pp. 84-5.
  341. E-tu Zen Sun, "Ch'ing government and the mineral industries before 1800," JAS, 27, No. 4 (1968), p. 837. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  342. 132 The comments in this section about multiple cropping draw heavily on the findings from Chinese sources cited in Fu-mei Chen and Ramon H. Myers, "Rural production and distribution in late impe- rial China," Han-hsüeh yen-chiu, 3, No. 2 (Dec. 1985), pp. 657-708. See also Kawakatsu Mamoru, "Min-Shin no ¯gyo ¯ ron" (A discussion of Ming-Ching agriculture), in Mori Masao, Noguchi Tetsuro ¯, Hamashima Atsutoshi, Kishimoto Mio, and Satake Yasuhiko (compilation committee), Min-Shin jidaishi no kihon mondai (Some basic issues in Ming and Ch'ing history) (Tokyo: Kyu ¯ko shoin, 1997), pp. 108-110.
  343. Chang Fang, "Ming-Ch'ing chi-fu ti-ch'u shui-tou chung-chih ti fa-chan chi ch'i chih-yüeh yin-su," pp. 671-2. See Adachi Keiji, "Shindai kahoku no no ¯gyo ¯ keiei to shakai ko ¯zo ¯," Shirin, 64, No. 4 (July 1981), pp. 66-93.
  344. Quoted, modified, from Chen and Myers, "Rural production and distribution in late imperial China," p. 673. 135 Chen and Myers, "Rural production and distribution," p. 673. 136 Ibid., pp. 685-91.
  345. Abe Takeo, Shindaishi no kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1971), pp. 417-18. Abe Takeo was one of the first scholars to draw attention to the grain supply and demand pattern in the 1730s and 1740s between the devel- oped and developing provinces. See pp. 498-515.
  346. See T'an T'ien-hsing, "Ch'ien-lung shih-ch'i Hu-nan kuan-yü t'ui-kuang shuang-chi-tao ti i-ch'ang ta lun-chan," Chung-kuo nung-shih, 4 (1986), pp. 33-8.
  347. Harriet T. Zurndorfer, Change and continuity in Chinese local history (Leiden, 1989), p. 139.
  348. Jing Su and Luo Lun, Landlord and labor in late imperial China: Case studies from Shandong, trans. Endymion Wilkinson (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), pp. 106 and 113.
  349. Rubie S. Watson, "The creation of a Chinese lineage: The Teng of Ha Tsuen, 1669-1751," Modern Asian Studies, 15, No. 4 (1981), pp. 751-81.
  350. Susan Wright Naquin, "Two descent groups in north China: The Wangs of Yung-p'ing prefecture, 1500-1800," in Patricia Buckley Ebrey and James L. Watson, eds., Kinship organization in late imper- ial China, 1000-1940 (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 210-44.
  351. Hillary J. Beattie, Land and lineage in China: A study of T'ung-ch'eng County, Anhwei, in the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 2-5.
  352. Nicholas K. Menzies, "Forestry," in Agro-industries and forestry; Agro-industries: Sugarcane technology, ed. Christian Daniels, part 3 of Biology and biological technology, Vol. 6 of Science and civilisation in China, ed. Joseph Needham (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 105-23.
  353. Fu-mei Chen and Ramon H. Myers, "Some distinctive features of commodity markets in late imper- ial China: Three case studies," in Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica, The second conference on modern Chinese economic history (Taipei, 1989), Vol. 2, pp. 661-70.
  354. 164 Quoted in Sun, "Sericulture and silk textile production in Ch'ing China," p. 96. See also Paolo Santangelo, "Urban society in late imperial Suzhou," in Cities of Jiangnan in late imperial China, ed. Linda Cooke Johnson (New York, 1993), pp. 96-8.
  355. Fan Chin-min, "Ch'ing-tai ch'ien-ch'i Chiangnan chih-tsao ti chi-ke wen-t'i," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 1 (1989), pp. 78-90.
  356. Robert Gardella, Harvesting mountains: Fujian and the China tea trade, 1757-1937 (Berkeley, 1994), ch. 1. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 ramon h. myers and yeh-chien wang
  357. Ho, "The salt merchants of Yang-chou," pp. 146-68. See also Antonia Finane, "Yangzhou: A central place in the Qing area," in Linda Cooke Johnson. ed., Cities of Jiangnan in late imperial China (New York, 1993), pp. 129-31. For an account of the role of Shansi merchants in Yang-chou and in the salt monopoly, see Saeki Tomi, "Shindai ni okeru Sansei sho ¯nin," Shirin, 60, No. 1 ( Jan. 1977), pp. 1-14.
  358. Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 246. 176 This section depends heavily on the research and writings of Wang Yeh-chien, Chung-kuo chin-tai huo- pi yü yin-hang ti yen-chin, and Yeh-chien Wang, "The evolution of the Chinese monetary system, 1644-1850," in Chi-ming Hou and Tzong-shian Yu, eds., Modern Chinese economic history (Taipei, 1979), pp. 425-52.
  359. Thomas Buoye, Manslaughter, markets, and moral economy: Violent disputes over property rights during the Qianlong reign (Cambridge, 2000), ch. 1.
  360. Ibid., pp. 147-52 and 162-6. 189 Ibid., ch. 6. 190 Tenants began paying a substantial deposit in advance to the landowner to obtain permanent rental rights. During the eighteenth century the funds advanced to landowners as tenant deposits increased because more people bid to rent land; meanwhile, lineages and wealthy households increasingly Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  361. amassed land to lease to tenants, but such land was repeatedly sold and mortgaged. For a useful review of customary law in the Ch'ing period, see Liang Chih-p'ing, Ch'ing-tai hsi-kuan-fa: she-hui yü kuo-chia (Peking, 1996). For examples of such contracts, see Chang Ch'uan-hsi, ed., Chung-kuo li-tai ch'i-yüeh hui-pien k'ao-shih (Peking, 1995), Vol. 2, pp. 1125-626.
  362. Hui-chen Wang Liu, The traditional Chinese clan rules (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1989), pp. 107-15. Lineage restrictions on the kind of land that could be mortgaged for credit clearly limited the supply of land for credit in provinces like Fukien, where lineage land predominated. For that reason, interest rates remained high and did not decline, as they would have had more land, such as that owned by lineages, been offered to the land market in exchange for credit. For the case of Fukien, see P'eng Wen-yu, "Ch'ing-tai Fu-chien t'ien-ch'an tien-tang yen-chiu," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 3 (1992), pp. 79-91.
  363. Chang Yen, "Ch'ing-tai tsu-t'ien ching-ying ch'u-tan," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 3 (1987), pp. 49-66. Also Chu Yung, "Lun Ch'ing-tai Chiang-nan tsung ch'u-fa ti ching-chi chih-nung," Chung-kuo ching-chi shih yen-chiu, 4 (1987), pp. 89-98.
  364. 193 This same pattern is affirmed in Kwangtung by Mazumdar, Sugar and society in China, pp. 388-90.
  365. Our summary is based on the detailed study of the Wu lineage by Kan Hsüeh-p'ing and Hsiao Ting-wei, "Ch'ing-tai I-lan ti p'i-ch'uan hsing-chu ch'i-yüeh: chiao-i ch'eng-pen ti fen-hsi," Nung-yeh ching-chi pan-nien k'an, 59 (June 1996), pp. 119-22.
  366. Matsuda Yoshiro ¯, "Min-Shin jidai Sekko ¯ Kinken no suiri jigyo ¯," p. 271; "Minmo shinsho kanto ¯ Shuko deruta no saden kaihatsu to kyo ¯shin shihai no keisei katei," Shakai-keizai shigaku, 46, No. 6 (1981), pp. 57-9.
  367. Morita Akira, Shindai suirishi kenkyu ¯(Tokyo, 1995), ch. 4. See also Morita Akira, "Kanto ¯sho Nankaiken so ¯en i no chisui kiko ¯ ni tsuite: sonraku to no kanren o chu ¯shin to shite," To ¯yo ¯ gakuho ¯, 47, No. 2 (Sept. 1964), pp. 65-88.
  368. Hayashi Kazuo, "Min-Shin jidai -kanto ¯ no ko to shi," Shirin, 63, No. 1 (Jan. 1980), pp. 69-105.
  369. Susan Mann Jones, "Finance in Ningpo: The 'Ch'ien Chuang,' 1750-1880," in Economic organization in Chinese society, ed. W. E. Wilmott (Stanford, 1972), p. 59, for a description of Fang Chieh-t'ang's descendants, who earned profits in the grain trade and then established native banks in Shanghai, Ningpo, and other cities.
  370. Peter C. Perdue, Exhausting the earth: State and peasant in Hunan, 1500-1850 (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), p. 117.
  371. Yamamoto Susumu, "Shindai Hu-kan no suito ¯saku to mengyo ¯," Shirin, 70, No. 6 (Nov. 1987), pp. 16-31. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  372. Shiba Yoshinobu, "The case of the southern Hangzhou bay area from the mid-Tang through the Qing," in Elvin and Liu, ed., Sediments of time, p. 161. These densities would yield a group ranking of 10, probably the highest in the world at that time. See Table 10.2 above.
  373. Yeh-chien Wang and Ying-chueh Huang, "Ch'ing chung-yeh tung-nan yen-hao ti liang-shih tso-wu fen-pu, liang-shih kung-hsu chi liang-chia fen-hsi," BIHP, 70, No. 2 (1999), pp. 375-6.
  374. See Nakahara Teruo, "Shindai daiunga no shingai gensho ¯ ni tsuite: Undo ¯ no sokumen yori suru sun kenkyu ¯no ¯to," To ¯ho ¯gaku, 29 (Feb. 1965), pp. 58-67.
  375. 212 These comments and those that follow draw heavily on Eduard B. Vermeer, "Population and ecology along the frontier in Qing China," in Elvin and Liu, ed., Sediments of time, pp. 235-82. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
  376. Ch'ung-wen-men
  377. Tso-i
  378. Yu-i
  379. T'ung-chou
  380. Lin-ch'ing
  381. Huai-an
  382. Feng-yang (Cheng-yang)
  383. Pei-hsin (Hangchow)
  384. Hsi-hsin (Shang-hsi-ho)
  385. Wu-ch'ang (Chin-sha-chou)
  386. Kiangnan (Shanghai)
  387. Chekiang (Ningpo)
  388. Min-an (Foochow)
  389. Fukien (Amoy)
  390. Kwangtung (Canton)
  391. Chang-chia-k'ou 26. Sha-hu-k'ou 27-Lung-ch'uan 28. To-lun-no-erh (Dolonnor)
  392. Shen-yang
  393. Feng-huang-ch'eng
  394. Chi-ning
  395. Hsii-chou Map 11. Distribution of Ming and Ch'ing Customs Houses Defining the Ch'ing Empire's Integrated Market Economy (by the eighteenth century). Based in part on Map 2-1 in Fan I-chun, "Long-distance trade and Market integration in the Ming-Ch'ing Period 1400-1850." Diss. Stanford University, 1992, Photocopy, Ann Arbor Michigan: UMI Dissertation Services, 1996. Dolonnor ®p 28
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