Continuity and Change in Transnistria’s Foreign Policy after the 2011 Presidential Elections

2009

In this paper, the author considers the main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among the main internal factors influencing the development of Eurasian track (as opposed to European) of foreign policy, the author singles out: the coming to power of the pro-Russian President I. Dodon in 2016, and the pro-Western contingent of the parliament headed by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps blur this track. Among external factors, the author considers such as: the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on the opinion of citizens of the Republic of Moldova towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the "Russian" foreign policy direction; the current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; "Soft power" of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); the willingness of Eurasian partners (it is mainly about the Russian Federation, as well as the PRC) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the country as one of the conditions for providing assistance to the recipient. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its infancy, but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position and located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.

Problems of Post-Communism, 2006

2013

Some students of quasi-states say that these entities aim to obtain the acceptance of their independence by the international community. However, this thesis raises doubts, at least in case of Transnistria, a region with its capital in Tiraspol, that began functioning as a quasi-state in mid-1992 after gaining victory in a brief war with Moldova. The paper’s goal is to answer whether Transnistria really seeks international recognition as an independent state. It examines the position of two Transnistrian presidents—dominant figures in Transnistria’s political system—Igor Smirnov (1991–2011) and Yevgeniy Shevchuk (since December 2011), as well as of the party Obnovleniye (Renewal) which has controlled the Transnistrian parliament since 2005. The paper concludes that despite official declarations made by the Transnistrian authorities about seeking internationally recognised independence for their region, this nominal goal is not necessarily a real one. Generally, they position concerning Transnistria’s status is not so easily identified. They seem to be in favour of keeping the status quo and maintaining the quasi-state’s de facto independence. However, it appears that under conditions securing Transnistria’s rights and interests, the present Transnistrian president, Shevchuk, and the parliament controlled by the party Obnovleniye could truly support the idea of reintegration with Moldova.

"In September this year (2014), Transnistria, the separatist region located in the Eastern part of Moldova, is set to celebrate the 24th anniversary of its de-facto independence. And yet there is little scope for celebrations – as only the contested states of Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia recognise its independence. To understand why the Transnistrian dispute has not yet been solved, and why two decades of negotiations have never brought us any closer to the solution, we have to look at the interest of the three main actors involved: Russia, Moldova and the West. Kamil Całus explains."

Nationalities Papers, 1998

2011

The present report is the result of an initiative put forward in 2010 by the Soros Foundation Moldova (East East: Partnership Beyond Borders Program) with the aim of attracting new foreign expertise to provide a fresh look at the ‘frozen conflict’ in the Republic of Moldova. The initiative was informed by the conviction that the political shifts in and around Moldova that have occurred since 2009 are creating new opportunities to resolve the conflict. The idea was to convene a joint group of international and Moldovan experts who, after conducting a fact-finding field trip to Chisinau and Tiraspol and conducting extensive discussions, would draw up a report with their analysis of the situation and their political recommendations.

On 2 September the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (Transnistria) celebrated the 25th anniversary of the proclamation of its “independence”. For this occasion Geopolitica.info interviewed the Acting Foreign Minister Vitaly Ignatiev, that was willing to talk to us about various economic and geopolitical issues, reflecting the official position of the Government of Tiraspol. Here’s the original version in English without any omission.

L'Europe Unie – Journal, 2023

The Transnistrian problem has become a global topic today, especially in the context of the war in Ukraine, which disrupts the social and political peace in the Republic of Moldova and which cannot be solved even 31 years since the breakaway has been established in Transnistria, through war, together with the 14th Army. There are still pressures being made on Moldovan Romanians in Transnistria, through various non-democratic methods and with serious violations of human rights.