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"Return of the refugees" as a wild card the revolution owns, is there someone who manages it?

  30; Jul, 2018 18:35   opinion articles
"Return of the refugees" as a wild card the revolution owns, is there someone who manages it?
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Nedaa Syria:

The file of the return of the Syrian IDPs and refugees to their homes and their original areas is without a doubt the most complex file facing the parties seeking to impose a political solution in Syria, the most powerful file owned by the revolution and the Syrian opposition at all.

The "right of return" of displaced communities and individuals is guaranteed by international law, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) Under the laws of many countries, the "right of return", as defined in these international laws, emphasized two basic concepts: voluntary return and the safety and dignity of returnees.

Russia's sudden interest in the return of the displaced persons (Russia itself had participated in their forced displacement committing war crimes against them and Aleppo is an example) has several reasons related to its (Russia) own interests and the interest of the puppet regime in Damascus, Russia needs to convert its military gains to sustainable political achievements and to end its direct intervention in the Syrian file and move to reap the benefits before any internal, regional or international change.

Achieving a sustainable political solution in Syria requires achieving a certain degree of international and Syrian legitimacy. This legitimacy is essential for activating the reconstruction process and preventing either the continuation or the aggravation of the situation of the "failed state" in the regime-held areas. For their parts, many influential Western states consider the funds of the reconstruction file is the key card to influence the Syrian file and pressure on Russia and put an end to its uniqueness in the file, and therefore the Europeans will not give to Russia this card for free.

At the same time, the minimum legitimacy cannot be achieved in any political solution without resolving the issue of the alleged elections, which Russia relies on to keep the "chemical" Assad or push a formal alternative to be in power, and this issue (elections) cannot be dealt with or even be imagined unless the file of the return of displaced persons and refugees been resolved.

According to the return of IDPs and refugees file itself, it is linked to two extremely thorny files, the first of which the necessary constitutional amendments to lead to a security environment ensures the safety of the returnees and their rights and the second is the necessary reforms in the security sector to transform these constitutional amendments and laws into reality. Finally, the return of the displaced and the refugees will put on the table another file is no less complex and challenging, it is the file of private property and the robbery and seizure of the property of the displaced persons and all illegal and illegitimate laws and actions committed by the regime in this regard.

Russia has already begun to engage with the countries surrounding Syria, especially Lebanon and Jordan, to force Syrian refugees to return forcibly as soon as possible and under any circumstances. Conditions, especially as the regime desperately needs manpower and recruits in its collapsed army to address the disability it has reached.

In the face of this serious threat, the revolution and the Syrian opposition must uphold the following principles regarding the return of displaced persons and refugees:

- The political solution must provide a detailed picture of the issue of "return" and a clear practical roadmap for the steps that must be taken to achieve this solution and turn it into reality.

- The right of "return" guarantees the freedom of return of displaced persons and refugees and their ability to exercise their full rights as citizens of their country, while at the same time ensuring that they are protected from "forcible returns that will either leads to kill or arrest them.

- Rejection of any talk about the start of the return of the displaced and refugees before reaching a comprehensive political solution that achieves the political transition, the slogan of the stage must be: the political solution (on the conditions mentioned) first and then return.

- The security environment that guarantees the life, freedom and rights of returnees is a prerequisite. This environment needs three complementary packages: constitutional amendments, radical reforms in the security sector, and international and regional safeguards and monitoring.

- Any reconstruction, even under humanitarian names, and the participation of any regional or international party in it, is neither a legal nor legitimate, and it is a crime against the Syrian people and help to float the chemical Bashar's regime and reward him for killing innocent civilians and destroying Syria.

- The reconstruction process cannot begin before reaching a comprehensive and final political solution that includes the resolution of the "return" file and the right of ownership and the reversal of the arbitrary laws issued by the regime to seize the property of the entire Syrian people, including those opposed to it.

- We cannot talk about any elections in Syria before the "return" file is resolved.

- The conditions for a political solution that meets the requirements of "return" should exclude "chemical" Bashar from the future of Syria and open the way for a real political transition and a new opportunity for the Syrians to start a new phase.

The revolution and the Syrian opposition can adhere to these constants and even fight "politically" for them and make them the new "political realism" and mobilize international support for them through the right rhetoric and bold presentation. They should know that the revolution possesses a very sensitive and central paper that Russia needs which is the Syrian legitimacy for the political solution.

Hence, the importance of another issue is the insistence on securing decent living conditions for displaced persons and refugees in their current places of residence, and not allowing some countries and parties to restrict them to force them to return. This requires strong political, human rights and media work. In the same context, preventing the invasion of Idlib and its environs is essential to prevent further human tragedy, migration waves and asylum to Turkey and Europe as well.

The Syrian north (and east) must be transformed into a secure, economically and socially stable environment that allows the return of displaced people to begin until a genuine political solution is found.

Both Syrian refugees and IDPs departed their homes not because of neither the circumstances of war, economic crisis nor protest against the constitution. It was the result of systematic killing and pursuit by the regime, systematic siege and starvation, indiscriminate shelling over civilians and the use of chemical weapons against cities' residents. These threatening factors are still present.

The file of the return of the displaced will be on the agenda of Sochi II. This file should become the cornerstone of the political vision, the speech of the revolution and the Syrian opposition, a file that is not negotiable or bargaining; it simply relates to the future and lives of millions of Syrians; it should be the balancing point in determining the political winner in this war, so it will need a clear strategy in dealing with this very file and it needs a robust posture.

Failure to manage this file will change Syria's demographic face, perhaps for a very long time, or lead the innocent persons to a catastrophic return that ends with their arrest or killing and will be held accountable by those who contributed to it.

Writer   Labib; al-Nahhas          Source   Syria; Call