During 1995, there was a major shift in the United Kingdom in the debate of whether it is right for nurses to strike. The Royal College of Nursing, the former advocate of a non-industrial action policy, moved towards the UNISON position that industrial action is ethical in some circumstances, as well as the necessary thing to do. The authors, both nurses and UNISON officials, look at the reasons for this change and why UNISON’s historical position sees industrial action as an (...) effective weapon in defending services, as well as wages and jobs. It can be right to strike. (shrink)

David Garland's The Culture of Control provides a powerful analysis of trends in crime and criminal justice policy over the last 30 years. This note re?examines two parts of the Garland thesis. First, it argues that punitive criminal justice policy is rooted in an authoritarian neoconservative politics that shares little with free?market ideology. Second, research on the collateral consequences of incarceration suggests that the penal system, at least in America, has become a significant influence on, rather than just a product (...) of, the social structure of late modernity. (shrink)

La construcci n de la naci n nasserista tiene varios niveles de explicaci n. La autora otorga especial importancia a la construcci n del poder y al uso de la reflexi n hist rica como medios para cambiarla. Los ejes elegidos son la selecci n cuidadosa del pasado para formular el futuro y para desautorizar las resistencias y oposiciones, el ejercicio meton mico de la revoluci nnaci n, las pol ticas concretas de identidad y la constituci n de los sujetos (...) en diferentes planos de la vida p blica como instancias de regulaci n de las conductas sociopol ticas. La naci n egipcia poscolonial se utiliza en este libro como prisma para examinar un conjunto de problemas relacionados con la modernidad, la descolonizaci n y las caracter sticas de los reg menes poscoloniales. (shrink)

This chapter argues that Fassin’s analysis should be expanded in three ways. First, Fassin should take greater account of how the unlawful state violence he rightly deplores is nonetheless frequently produced in response to violent criminal acts. Losing sight of the underlying problem of criminal violence in poor and marginal communities can make it harder to see how reform might be possible, by reducing the problem to one of arbitrary labeling (and subsequent punishment) of certain kinds of conduct. Second, while (...) Fassin notes the connections between vulnerability to state violence and poverty, it would be worth paying more attention to the way economic inequality dehumanizes certain subjects and makes them more vulnerable objects of state abuse. Social analysis should be humanizing, in response. Third, Fassin should express positive value commitments to those latent in his critique as a guide to reform. (shrink)