Should states naturalize long-term irregular migrants residing in their territory? Scholars such as Carens and Rubio-Marín have defended their naturalization by drawing on a theory of social membership. However, some have argued that the social membership account falls short of requiring the granting of citizenship to irregular migrants. Others, such as Brock, Ochoa Espejo, and Hosein, have attempted to defend a right not to be deported. I argue that relational equality can provide a defense for granting irregular migrants citizenship rights (...) – their complete naturalization – which avoids the limitations of both approaches: it provides a more solid grounding for granting citizenship to irregular migrants, and shows why a right to stay still leaves irregular migrants in a morally troubling position. Irregular migrants are subjected for long periods of time to the laws of the state they reside in without having any power or influence over them and face significant difficulties in leaving the country, which results in objectionable social inequality. I argue that such concerns about inequality of status override the right of the demos to determine its membership and concerns about irregular migrants’ original breaking of the law. (shrink)

Climate change and environmental problems will force or induce millions of people to migrate. In this article, I describe environmental migration and articulate some of the ethical issues. To begin, I give an account of these migrants that overcomes misleading dichotomies. Then, I focus attention on two important ethical issues: justice and responsibility. Although we are all at risk of becoming environmental migrants, we are not equally at risk. Our risk depends on our temporal position, geographical location, social position, and (...) the kind of society in which we live. We all contribute to environmental problems, but we do not contribute equally. About 11% of the world population is responsible for 50% of carbon emissions. These inequalities raise issues of justice because many of the people who are at high risk have contributed little to the problems. Since the issues of justice are relatively clear and compelling, I focus more attention on issues of responsibility. I use Iris Marion Young’s account of responsibility for structural injustice to address four key questions about moral responsibility and environmental migration. (shrink)

In this paper we argue that the most critical factor that shapes the character and trajectory of the sugarcane sector in China is neither land nor labour, individually, but rather the interactions of social dynamics around land and labour, and specifically migrant labour. We argue that not only that the political economy of land and labour together drive agrarian transformation in the sugarcane sector, but more precisely that it is the process of how the labour regime shapes land politics, and (...) how land politics shapes the labour regime, that is the central driving force. Furthermore, this mutual reshaping of land and labour regimes is multi-sited, occurring simultaneously within China and Myanmar, and in the China–Myanmar corridor. Our hunch is that the dynamics we observe here have broader resonance worldwide, especially in major farmer–farmworker land/labour flows along transnational corridors. (shrink)

While contemporary debates about agrarian transformations that include topics like the persistence of family farms, agrarian capital accumulation, and simple reproduction squeeze remain vibrant, discussions about the increasingly significant role of migrant wage labour, which further complicates these processes, remain limited. In this paper, we argue that the process of capitalist accumulation in some sections of the agrarian and food system sectors in southern China is able to proceed despite recurring pressures — especially labour shortages in the rural economy caused (...) by domestic rural–urban migration — because of the availability of migrant workers from neighbouring countries such as Myanmar. This development dynamic can be better understood through the lens of interrelated connections between land and labour and production and social reproduction across China and Myanmar. We highlighted the role of two land-related labour flows in the agrarian transformation in southern China–Myanmar regions. We argue that various social classes and groups across China and Myanmar are tied to land, wage work and capital accumulation and, in turn, their productive and social reproductive tasks are directly and indirectly linked to one another. If we are to understand agrarian transformation in settings like this, then methodologically, we will have to adopt an interconnected approach in order to bring the pieces of the puzzle together. (shrink)

_A beautifully written exploration of religion’s role in a secular, modern politics, by an accomplished scholar of critical theory__ “Rich in historical background, illuminating in its comparative perspective, yet focused on the question of secularization and the normative resources of modernity—a joy to read.”—Maeve Cooke, University College Dublin__ “Gordon writes with a controlled power, elegance, simplicity, and clarity that is a rare pleasure.”—Max Pensky, Binghamton University_ _Migrants in the Profane _takes its title from an intriguing remark by Theodor W. Adorno, (...) in which he summarized the meaning of Walter Benjamin’s image of a celebrated mechanical chess-playing Turk and its hidden religious animus: “Nothing of theological content will persist without being transformed; every content will have to put itself to the test of migrating in the realm of the secular, the profane.” In this masterful book, Peter Gordon reflects on Adorno’s statement and asks an urgent question: Can religion offer any normative resources for modern political life, or does the appeal to religious concepts stand in conflict with the idea of modern politics as a domain free from religion’s influence? In answering this question, he explores the work of three of the Frankfurt School’s most esteemed thinkers: Walter Benjamin, Max Horkheimer, and Theodor W. Adorno. His illuminating analysis offers a highly original account of the intertwined histories of religion and secular modernity. (shrink)

A care deficit is clearly evident in global cities such as London and is attributable to an ageing population, the increased employment of native-born women, prevalent gender ideologies that continue to exempt men from much reproductive work, as well as the failure of the state to provide viable alternatives. However, while it is now acknowledged that migrant women, and to a lesser extent, migrant men, step in to provide care in cities such as London, there is less research on how (...) this shapes the nature, politics and ethics of care. Drawing upon empirical research with low-paid migrant workers employed as domiciliary care providers in London, this paper explores the emergence of a distinct migrant ethic of care that is critically shaped by the caring work that migrant women and men perform. (shrink)

This paper examines seasonal migrant farmworkers in Turkey, focusing on the intersection of relations of production and social reproduction under rapidly shifting land and labour regimes. The workers are predominantly Kurds and Arabs of Turkey and Syrian refugees, and experience the intersecting crises of neoliberalism, rural-urban migration and conflict/disaster displacement in amplified ways. With an interest in gendered and generational impacts on youth and women’s labour and bodies, we argue that an analysis of social reproduction should include both intra- and (...) inter-household relations as well as kinship/community and ritual-based dynamics such as marriage and childbearing. We show that the intersecting forces of marketisation, family, kinship and the authoritarian state sustain and reproduce seasonal migrant agricultural labour, capitalising on the exploitation of women and youth. (shrink)

This article provides a rationale for adopting the critical realism instead of pragmatism paradigm when researching skilled migrants' workplace integration in Australia. While the extant...

This article examines the politics of reproductive labor in globalization. Using the case of migrant Filipina domestic workers, the author presents the formation of a three-tier transfer of reproductive labor in globalization between the following groups of women: middle-class women in receiving nations, migrant domestic workers, and Third World women who are too poor to migrate. The formation of this international division of labor suggests that reproduction activities, as they have been increasingly commodified, have to be situated in the context (...) of the global market economy. This division of labor is a structural process that determines the migration of Filipina domestic workers. As such, this article also uses in-depth interviews to examine and enumerate the contradictions that migrant Filipina domestic workers experience in their family and work lives as a result of “being in the middle” of this division of labor. (shrink)

Globally, one of every eight nurses is a migrant, but few studies have focused on the healthcare experiences of migrant nurses (MNs) as consumers or recipients of healthcare. We address this gap by examining MNs and their acculturation, barriers to healthcare access, and perceptions of healthcare encounters as consumers. For this mixed‐methods study, a convenience sample of MNs working in Europe and Israel was recruited. The quantitative component's methods included testing the reliability of scales contained within the questionnaire and using (...) Hayes Process Model #4 to test for mediation. The qualitative component's methods included analyzing interviews with iterative inductive thematic analysis. Quantitative findings on MNs (n = 73) indicated that the association between acculturation and perception of the healthcare encounter, which MNs experienced as healthcare consumers, was mediated by barriers to healthcare access, even after adjusting for age and gender (p = 0.03). Qualitative interviews with MNs (n = 13) provided possible explanations for the quantitative findings. Even after working in the host country's healthcare system for several years, MNs reported difficulties with their healthcare encounters as healthcare consumers, not only due to their limited knowledge about the culture and healthcare resources but also due to the biased responses they received. (shrink)

Community-based participatory research (CBPR) typically prioritizes community needs in the research process, attempting to link ethical and rigorous investigation with social action. However, balancing community needs and research goals can be challenging when working with marginalized communities in times of crisis. Strategies for engaging immigrant communities in CBPR is also underexplored in academic literature. This paper examines some of these challenges by focusing on a research project with immigrant homecare workers in Manitoba, Canada, who were disproportionately impacted by COVID-19, yet (...) largely excluded from government pandemic policy responses. The project aimed to explore these workers’ experiences and to contribute to migrant justice organizing through the research process. In this article, we present three interrelated tensions in our shifting research process: reflexive navigation of our research team members’ lived experiences and positionalities; community versus academic ethics; and timely responsiveness to shifting community priorities. We contribute to literature on CBPR with immigrant communities by articulating a reflexive migrant justice research approach amidst a crisis. This approach is developed through subversive relationship-building and intersectional solidarity with social justice community partners that disrupt dominant academic research processes. (shrink)

Temporary migration raises two different challenges. The first is whether territorial democracies can integrate temporary migrants as equal citizens; the second is whether transnationally mobile societies can be organized democratically as communities of equal citizens. Considering both questions within a single analytical framework will reveal a dilemma: on the one hand, liberals have good reasons to promote the expansion of categories of free-moving citizens as the most effective and normatively attractive response to the problem of partial citizenship for temporary migrants; (...) yet, on the other hand, if free movement rights were actually used by too many, this might fatally undermine the sustainability of intergenerational and territorial democratic polities. (shrink)

This book offers a much-needed new political theory of an old phenomenon. The last decade alone has marked the highest number of migrations in recorded history. Constrained by environmental, economic, and political instability, scores of people are on the move. But other sorts of changes—from global tourism to undocumented labor—have led to the fact that to some extent, we are all becoming migrants. The migrant has become the political figure of our time. Rather than viewing migration as the exception to (...) the rule of political fixity and citizenship, Thomas Nail reinterprets the history of political power from the perspective of the movement that defines the migrant in the first place. Applying his "kinopolitics" to several major historical conditions and figures of migration, he provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary migration. (shrink)

Con base en los estudios de género sobre la migración y recurriendo a herramientas conceptuales de la teoría crítica (Benhabib y Fraser), este artículo versa sobre las dificultades de la inclusión de las mujeres migrantes en las comunidades de acogida, especialmente en la Unión Europea, y el modo como reivindican el estatuto de titulares de derechos humanos y laborales. En este sentido, su análisis comienza matizando que la migración no es un fenómeno neutro de género y, por consiguiente, que (...) el activismo de las «mujeres migrantes», en la constelación transnacional, existe a la par de la feminización de la migración y de la precariedad. Centrado en el caso de las trabajadoras domésticas y de cuidados migrantes, este artículo revela: por un lado, la vulnerabilidad de estas mujeres recurriendo al concepto de «hiperprecariedad existencial»; y, por otro, la movilización de estas mujeres en oenegés y organizaciones comunitarias, en una intensa campaña por el reconocimiento de derechos laborales, recurriendo al concepto de «ciudadanía industrial activa». Así, se concluye que, como agentes activas, las «mujeres migrantes» contribuyen a la configuración de un mundo social, económico y culturalmente más justo, más inclusivo de mujeres y extranjeros. (shrink)

I argue that the recent emergence of aspiring small- and medium-size capitalist farmers in Ethiopia is both a spontaneous and state-orchestrated from and through the spectacular land rush during the past two decades. This emerging sector that shows great dynamism in land and capital accumulation has emerged not only and not primarily from the agriculture sector, but from non-agricultural and urban sectors mainly. Furthermore, this paper shows the inseparability, empirically and analytically, of land and labor, as well as production and (...) social reproduction dynamics in explaining the character and trajectory of social change. The role played by migrant labor in the land rush has been manifested in two interconnected ways underpinned by a singular logic and social force, that is, the capitalist commodification of land and labor, namely, outward labor migration away from the land grab sites, and the inward migrant labor inflows into the same land grabs sites. (shrink)

Despite a heavy philosophical focus on issues pertaining to immigration, little discussion is taken up that examines the duties we owe to migrant children. This article works to bridge the gap between global justice literature and work on children’s autonomy and well-being. To capture what migrant children experience in the context of immigration and detention, the article examines the conditions on the island country of Nauru, where at least 222 migrant children experienced detention between the years of 2013 and 2019. (...) Using this lived experience as an example, the article argues that we owe children specific positive duties, which are further supported by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Throughout this article, the aim is to indicate how migrant children occupy a particularly vulnerable and nonautonomous status in the context of detention. Because of this, children are owed especially weighty positive duties that are not discussed in the current global justice literature. (shrink)

La migración fronteriza es un fenómeno que cada día adquiere mayor importancia en el continente en un contexto de crisis de los países del Norte y del fortalecimiento económico de algunos países sudamericanos, como es el caso de Chile. En este sentido, interesa revisar el caso de la migración femenina a la región de Tarapacá en los últimos años, los motivos para migrar, la experiencia del cruce de la frontera y el lugar que ocupan las redes de apoyo en la (...) configuración de la migración fronteriza en el contexto de recepción. El análisis de dicha experiencia migratoria y el accionar de la Pastoral de Migraciones -de acuerdo al relato de las migrantes- permiten indagar sobre cómo se estructura la comunidad en destino, su constitución y seguimiento en una región fronteriza. Las características de las migrantes y de las redes de apoyo permiten explicar el acceso a nichos laborales específicos feminizados, la precariedad de las condiciones de establecimiento y las estrategias de movilidad fronteriza. (shrink)

Production and social reproduction are increasingly characterized by its multisitedeness given the rising number of working people migrating for wage work. The ways in which these spheres interplay, both at migrants’ places of origin and at the destination sites of work, differ greatly across societies. Based on primary research in Puerto Gaitán, Colombia—a small town in a largely rural area serving as an agribusiness and oil exploitation hub—I suggest that the complex expressions of the production-social reproduction nexus are intimately connected (...) with the ‘politics of land’. While the town of Puerto Gaitán, as a place of migration, provides for most everyday ‘material’ elements to sustain life (food, shelter, clothing, care, schools, hospitals), other crucial aspects of social reproduction are still heavily performed at indigenous’ rural collective lands (resguardos). Resguardo lands are a key socio-cultural basis of Indigenous peoples’ reproduction, despite serious limitations partly due to their isolation, to restrictions on the free circulation by large landowners, and to historical underlying drivers founded in dispossession. One important analytical and political implication is that migrant workers’ access to land should respond to a broader conceptualization of social reproduction—i.e., in which non-material aspects are equally considered. (shrink)

This article considers ethnographic field research in order to analyze the violence and exploitation inherent to our transnational agro-food system and the ways in which temporality and statistics may aid in making visible and invisible certain experiences of migrant farmworker injury as well as individual and collective actions for wellbeing. Based in long-term, in-depth ethnographic research, this article utilizes theories of temporality and events in order to highlight social and health inequalities in agricultural labor and encourage agricultural, food and health (...) scholars to consider critically the effects of our methods. Juxtaposing the injury and health care experiences of one Mexican migrant farmworker with statistics on the health and health care of migrant and seasonal farmworkers more generally, the article confronts both the normalization of migrant farmworker injury and the taken-for-granted helpfulness of quantitative and qualitative research alike. In addition, the argument acknowledges the everyday, individual practices and collective actions migrant farmworkers engage into demand and build wellbeing for themselves, their families and beyond. (shrink)

La presencia de migrantes provenientes de contextos diversos constituye un elemento definitorio de las plurales sociedades del norte global, por lo que se perciben como necesarias acciones que favorezcan la convivencia entre personas migrantes y autóctonas. En esta línea, una de las propuestas planteadas desde la Educación para el Desarrollo pasa por fomentar la integración mediante acciones que sensibilicen sobre el fenómeno migratorio y las experiencias de los y las migrantes, destacando proyectos en que estos asumen el (...) rol de agentes de desarrollo, vinculando migraciones y desarrollo, del modo positivo planteado desde el codesarrollo. A partir del análisis de un proyecto llevado a cabo en Granada, pretendemos reflexionar sobre cómo toma forma el codesarrollo en las sociedades receptoras, cuál es el papel de los y las migrantes en estos procesos y cómo puede la Antropología aportar una visión compleja y crítica sobre el codesarrollo y la Educación para el Desarrollo. (shrink)

Los Enfoques Performativos se proponen como una metodología didáctica que promueve el desarrollo de la competencia comunicativa a través de una pedagogía artística y corporizada. Aunque diversos estudios apuntan a su idoneidad en la enseñanza de lenguas en contextos de migración, las evidencias empíricas de su impacto en el desarrollo de aspectos específicamente lingüísticos son limitadas, e inexistentes en el contexto de enseñanza de español a migrantes. Por tanto, este trabajo se propone analizar su impacto en el desarrollo de (...) la competencia comunicativa de expresión e interacción oral en un contexto de migración. Para ello, se realiza un estudio de corte pre-experimental a través de un diseño pre/postest con un grupo de quince estudiantes nivel B1 de español. Los resultados de las pruebas de estadística inferencial realizadas (t de Student) muestran una incidencia significativa en el nivel de competencia comunicativa oral alcanzado por los participantes tras la instrucción. Estos resultados invitan a la reflexión sobre la necesidad de desarrollar prácticas didácticas situadas que garanticen un aprendizaje situado en la enseñanza de lenguas a migrantes. (shrink)

The number of people without rights of residence or work in the territory of Western Europe's nation states is growing. In official representations of political life this group is commonly 'symbolically eliminated' or taken up by an increasingly hostile discourse on 'illegal immigrants' and 'international terrorism'. This article explores what a rereading of the work of Hannah Arendt can contribute to the analytical task of giving an alternative meaning to the presence of this group. Arendt opens up new ways of (...) thinking and acting in view of the present situation. She shows us the rightless migrant as subject to a very specific form of domination - total domination. With Arendt we can see the migrant also as an emblematic philosophical figure, whose status exposes the contradiction of state-centred citizenship and the discourse of human rights. Lastly, the migrant comes into view as a potential political actor; protests by sans papiers become visible as sites of active citizenship. (shrink)

Hiring international migrant eldercare workers to work hard for little pay simply because this traveling workforce needs wages higher than those they would receive back home seems somehow “wrong.” The standard justification for hiring migrants seems more like an excuse than a justification. My purpose in this article, however, is not to condemn people who hire international migrant eldercare workers, but to suggest that these employers as well as their employees are caught in the same moral bind. Depending on how (...) uncaring a state is about meeting its people’s fundamental needs including adequate long-term care, it will create a hostile environment for the development of caring people (Eckenwiler 2011, 9). But a society without a sufficient number of caring people risks unraveling. People who avoid care work and who shun the practice of care are, in my estimation, “marginal” to society in that they are not contributing to the foundation that makes society possible. (shrink)

This article addresses two questions: First, how does the value of human dignity distinctively bear on a state’s responsibilities in relation to migrants; and, secondly, how serious a wrong is it when a state fails to respect the dignity of migrants? In response to these questions, a view is presented about the distinction between wrongs that violate cosmopolitan standards and wrongs that violate the standards that are distinctive to a particular community; about when and how the contested concept of human (...) dignity might be engaged; and, elaborating a three-tiered and lexically ordered scheme of state responsibilities, about how we should assess the seriousness of a state’s failure to respect the dignity of migrants. (shrink)

This article explores the possibility of resistance under conditions of extreme state power in liberal democracies. It examines the strategies of migrants without legal status who, when threatened with one of the most awesome powers of the liberal state—expulsion—shed their legal identity in order to escape the state’s reach. Remarkably, in doing so, they often succeed in preventing the state from exercising its sovereign powers. The article argues that liberal states are uniquely constrained in their dealing with undocumented migrants. Not (...) only are they forced to operate within the constraints of the international legal order—making repatriation contingent on the possession of identity documents—but the liberal state is also constitutionally limited in its exercise of coercion against the individual. The article concludes that it is those individuals who have the weakest claims against the liberal state that are most able to constrain its exercise of sovereignty. (shrink)

The discussion of migrants’ education focuses generally on whether and how host countries should educate their migrant populations, examining the goals and moral principles underlying educational services for immigrants. While apparently innocuous, such formulations of the issue stipulate a framework with clear roles: host countries are posited as providers and immigrants as recipients of services. Host countries are, thus, placed in a hierarchical position of ‘granting’ belonging, ‘granting’ services, ‘granting’ education, as benefactors, whether for the purposes of duty, utility, or (...) justice. In this paper, I challenge this unidirectional order of beneficence. I propose that the inclusion of migrants in public institutions should more properly be viewed (also) as providing a necessary good/service for the host communities. The encounter with the alien, the foreign, the migrant, in oneself and in one’s world, forces individuals and communities to reflect on what and who they are as well as what and who they want to be – their identity and their future development. I argue that migrant populations with diverse linguistic traditions and customs are uniquely situated to bring to consciousness and help denaturalize the given traditions and culture of their host communities and thus make possible a more self-aware, informed, and freer path of development for their host countries. (shrink)

El artículo se propone mostrar las formas que adquiere la construcción del nexo entre migración, seguridad y expulsabilidad de grupos específicos de migrantes, en este caso colombianos, en Antofagasta, una ciudad minera ubicada en el norte de Chile. A partir del análisis sostenemos que la criminalización del migrante colombiano está estrechamente ligada a su racialización, y que la validación y legitimidad que adquieren las ideas de expulsabilidad y rechazo son parte de este mismo proceso, pues al situarlo del otro (...) lado de las múltiples fronteras que se construyen —raciales, étnicas, de clase, de género, además de fronteras territoriales dentro de la propia ciudad—, su expulsión definitiva, o su rechazo en frontera, son el resultado final de un proceso previo de exclusión sistemática.La aproximación metodológica empleada en la investigación fue de carácter cualitativo, y recurrió principalmente a entrevistas a informantes clave, mayoritariamente actores vinculados a la generación e implementación de políticas públicas —funcionarios del gobierno regional y local, legisladores nacionales por la región, funcionarios de las fuerzas de seguridad, extranjería y el poder judicial—, aunque no exclusivamente —se entrevistó también a miembros de organizaciones sociales de y para migrantes, algunos migrantes residentes en campamentos, vecinos chilenos y miembros de la academia.El análisis de este caso específico aporta a la comprensión de las formas en que el régimen global de control de las migraciones se articula con procesos locales que definen su materialización específica. El caso de Antofagasta en particular habilita una reflexión respecto de lo que sucede con las políticas de control de las migraciones en contextos de desigualdad enmarcados en economías extractivistas, y en una ciudad que ha tenido una presencia histórica de población migrante. (shrink)

In this article, framing and introducing the Special Issue on ‘Migrants, Farmers and Farmworkers’, we argue that the interaction between structural, institutional and political dynamics shapes the character and trajectory of social relations among migrants, farmers and farmworkers, which in turn influence or could influence the character and trajectory of broader struggles within and against capitalism, and the building of systemic alternatives. This collection looks into the specific entanglement of migrants, farmers and farmworkers in the context of this broader political (...) process. The current phase of global capitalism has resulted in the fragmentation of the working class and the peasantry. This has resulted in a complex chain of hollowed-out rural villages interspersed with layers of different categories of migrant labour that are telecoupled in rural–rural/rural–urban (cross-border) migration corridors. In this introduction, we tease out theoretical, methodological and political implications highlighted by the 14 papers in the collection, individually and collectively, and identify some future research and public action agendas. (shrink)

El presente trabajo analiza la configuración de los personajes femeninos inmigrantes y transmigrantes en las obras “La han despedido de nuevo” de Claudia Hernández y La fila india de Antonio Ortuño y observa los mecanismos de adaptación, las estrategias y las dinámicas sociales de las que se basan como forma de auto protección o de cuidado mutuo. Proponemos una lectura de la representación de las mujeres migrantes como sujetos complejos, activos, dotados de agencia y transgresores como forma de contrarrestar (...) los imaginarios consolidados por narrativas anteriores en los que los sujetos femeninos no han tenido protagonismo en su representación o en su estudio. Palabras clave: Literatura salvadoreña, literatura mexicana, migración, violencia, género. (shrink)

States combine the routine refusal of citizenship to migrants with policies that grant newborns of citizens (or residents) full membership of society without questions asked. This paper asks what, if anything, can justify this differential treatment of the two types of newcomers. It explores arguments for differential treatment based on the differential environmental impact, different impact on the (political) culture of the society in question and differences between the positions of the newcomers themselves. I conclude that, although some justification for (...) differential treatment exists, the case for it is weaker than one may expect and the grounds on which it can be justified are surprising and problematic. (shrink)

Este texto tiene por objetivo mostrar algunas de las condiciones que facilitan o complican el acceso al derecho a la educación, así como la permanencia de la escuela para familias jornaleras agrícolas migrantes en los tiempos del SARS-CoV- 2, considerando que gran parte del proceso de aprendizaje recae sobre las propias familias. Se realiza un análisis desde la cultura y la gramática escolar, contemplando las características de la escuela para estas familias y las posibilidades que tienen de responder a (...) las condiciones derivadas del programa oficial mexicano “Aprende en casa”. Se realizó un estudio cualitativo de alcance descriptivo, con entrevistas a hombres y mujeres de estas familias, con relación al conocimiento que tienen acerca de la pandemia, sobre las condiciones para hacer posible el cuidado necesario para no contagiarse y la escolarización para niñas y niños; se retomó información sobre las características de las familias y sus dinámicas, derivadas de investigaciones anteriores. Se encontró que algunos jornaleros y sus familias tienen acceso a información, que asumen la consigna de cuidado en tanto posibilidades materiales; y que por lo que ellos y ellas conocen, son pocas las posibilidades de escolarización en esta época. Se concluye con la necesidad de generar estrategias colectivas y buscar el apoyo de empresarios, sociedad civil y autoridades educativas. (shrink)

The literature on migrant care workers has tended to place little emphasis on the multiple relationships that migrant carers form with care recipients, employers/managers and work colleagues. This article makes a contribution to this emerging field, drawing on data from qualitative interviews carried out with 40 migrant care workers employed in the institutional and domiciliary care sectors in Dublin, Ireland. While the analysis revealed generally positive carer—care recipient relationships, significant racial and cultural tensions were evident within the vertical and especially (...) the horizontal relationships in the care workplace. The article argues that these findings highlight the need for additional research on the relationships formed in the long-term care sector and further theorizing on the meaning and importance of the affective components of care work within increasingly commodified care markets. (shrink)

La comunicación analiza la importancia del derecho a la participación en los procedimientos de protección a la infancia, especialmente en los casos de los niños y niñas migrantes no acompañados al ser nuevos actores sociales. Estas niñas y niños son autónomos, poseen su propio plan vida, en el que se incluye su propio plan migratorio, y actúan de una manera distinta dentro de la sociedad. Tienen derecho a participar dentro de los sistemas de protección y que, por tanto, estos (...) sistemas deberían tener en cuenta sus particularidades como nuevos actores sociales, para que se logre una correcta protección de sus derechos. (shrink)

Cafiero, Irene (2022). ¿Memoria velada, selectiva, silencios estratégicos u olvidos? Construcción de la memoria de migrantes japoneses de posguerra y su transmisión, en la comunidad de Colonia General Justo José de Urquiza del Partido de La Plata (1961-2022). Tesis para optar por el grado de Magíster en Historia y Memoria.

Arlie Hochschild glosses the practice of women migrants in poor nations who leave their families behind for extended periods of time to do carework in other wealthier countries as a “global heart transplant” from poor to wealthy nations. Thus she signals the idea of an injustice between nations and a moral harm for the individuals in the practice. Yet the nature of the harm needs a clear articulation. When we posit a sufficiently nuanced “right to care,” we locate the harm (...) to central relationships of the migrant women. The “right to (give and receive) care” we develop uses a concept of a relational self drawn from an ethics of care. The harm is situated in the broken relationships, which in turn have a serious impact on a person’s sense of equal dignity and self-respect, particularly since the sacrifice of central relationships of the migrant woman allows others (mostly women) to maintain these same relationships. The paper ends with a brief discussion of some of the solutions we need to consider. (shrink)

En medio de una gravísima crisis sanitaria y de una situación excepcional sin precedentes en la historia reciente causada por la pandemia de la COVID-19, miles de migrantes siguen muriendo en las aguas del Mediterráneo en su intento de llegar a Europa buscando nuevas oportunidades, tras huir de la violencia, la guerra y los conflictos armados. Este trabajo pretende reflejar, mediante una revisión jurisprudencial, algunas de las distintas vulneraciones del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y de los Refugiados que han tenido (...) lugar tanto en el territorio español como el europeo durante los últimos años. (shrink)

El presente artículo ahonda en la vulnerabilidad de las y los migrantes en México, ya sean en tránsito o de destino, haciendo énfasis en la falta de políticas públicas al respecto, las cuales si las hay, no contemplan la perspectiva de género, categoría de análisis imprescindible. La llamada “feminización de las migraciones” está aumentando, adquiriendo especial importancia en la Frontera Sur. La violación sistemática de los derechos humanos hacia las mujeres migrantes y su situación de indefensión, hace que (...) sean objeto de vejaciones que ni si quiera pueden denunciar por su condición irregular, así como por sus factores sociales y culturales (género, clase, etnia…), lo que les hace estar desprovistas de los recursos necesarios de empoderamiento y acción. Se analiza la desprotección de las migrantes centroamericanas en Chiapas así como los Convenios nacionales e internacionales en defensa de sus derechos, acabando el artículo con propuestas específicas, relativas a las políticas públicas para el caso estudiado. (shrink)

Este artículo se propone analizar las prácticas sociales y culturales de dos colectivos de migrantes en dos países latinoamericanos: el caso de los inmigrantes argentinos en Chile y de los inmigrantes senegaleses en Argentina. Comprendemos que estas prácticas tienen como trasfondo el encuentro entre compatriotas y apelan a la creatividad y espontaneidad en el contexto de integración a la sociedad de destino, contribuyendo a formar redes y lazos sociales quizás antes no existentes. Estas actividades creativas y re-creativas contribuyen a (...) la configuración de la identidad nacional en un contexto migratorio, a la vez que tienen en común surgir de manera espontánea, sin planificación previa, e ir configurando una red de relaciones que consolidan tanto la “identidad argentina” como la “identidad senegalesa” en el contexto migratorio de recepción. (shrink)

Hacia la construcción de políticas públicas a favor de las mujeres migrantes. Caso Chiapas, México Nancy Pérez García (Coord.) Incide Social, A.C. Sin Fronteras, I.A.P. México, 2010. Mujeres migrantes en el Soconusco. Situación de su derecho a la salud, a la identidad y al trabajo Nancy Pérez García y Genoveva Roldán Dávila (Coords.) Incide Social, A.C., México, 2011.

Las expectativas de reconocimiento que tienen los migrantes puede entenderse en desde la noción de falso reconocimiento, en que el sujeto se identifica con la posición desfavorable que le impone la sociedad receptora. Las expectativas de los migrantes están mediadas por la percepción de que se contrae una deuda con la sociedad en virtud de que esta le ha entregado un espacio de oportunidades para la realización de un proyecto de vida orientado al bienestar y la seguridad. Lo (...) cual redunda en una concepción del acceso a los derechos restringida y centrada en el acceso al mercado de trabajo y de bienes de consumo. En este marco las principales estrategias de incorporación identificadas son el ocultamiento, la adaptación, la distinción al interior de los colectivos, el fortalecimiento de las redes y la priorización del trabajo. (shrink)

While accepting Carens's view that irregular migrants can rightfully claim from the state protection of human rights, Miller disagrees that such migrants can claim rights of citizenship.

African migrants in Brazil suffer the perverse effects of xenophobia, in addition to experiencing racist behaviors. These processes also manifest themselves within the context of kindergarten centers and pre-schools, directly influencing the pedagogical approach, as well as the perceptions and conceptions surrounding being a black African person. In this context, this article aims to present the perception of early education teachers in the city of São Paulo about racialization processes in the sheltering and insertion of black African children of ages (...) between 0 and 5. In order to achieve the aim of this research, interviews were held with early education professionals from both the direct and indirect educational systems, so as to try and comprehend how these agents perceive the sheltering/insertion of migrant black African children. The analysis was made based on theoretical frameworks regarding childhood sociology, studies on migration and race relations. This work intends to enlarge the childhood and migration research fields, as well as research on the processes of racialization of African migrant children aged less than seven. (shrink)

Irregular migrants are morally entitled to a wide range of legal rights, including basic human and civil rights. Therefore, states ought to create a firewall between those charged with protecting and enforcing these rights and those charged with enforcing immigration laws.

Estamos en presencia de un par de presidentes que están perpetrando el delito trasnacional de tráfico ilegal de personas con fines de someterlos a explotación laboral, servidumbre y/o esclavitud penitenciaria en la nueva Colonia Penitenciaria en que Bukele está convirtiendo al Estado de El Salvador.

The illegal migration of Basotho women to South Africa in order to render domestic service is alarming because they are subjected to harsh treatment. This is a pastoral and theological concern for the church. As migrants, their struggle begins from the household circumstances that often force them to leave and seek job opportunities undocumented or without following prescribed migration procedures. They are then subjected to migration processes and procedures: for example, corruption and bribery by migration officers and illegal dealers. The (...) working and living conditions in South Africa are often unconducive for illegal migrants. As economic and illegal migrants, they are often considered as lesser by prejudiced employers who treat them inhumanely. Accessing essential services also imposes a significant threat to their lives.Contribution: Through this study, the article will reveal the vulnerability faced by illegal migrant Basotho women as domestic workers in South Africa. (shrink)

Migration has taken a new hue post-liberalization reform since the 1990s. With the removal of unnecessary controls, it is fostered nowadays by free and open global markets and driven by the availability of greener pastures in new lands. That is why skilled and educated people are more welcome in these lands than war refugees or asylum-seekers. Such migrants are productive for the host countries, and because they also send remittances to their home countries, they contribute to the economies of both (...) nations (Sahay 3). While reasons for migration could be multiple, like climate-induced problems, war-triggered dispersal, money-driven desires, and religious persecution, settlement in new lands is heavily influenced by homeland policies for migrants. However, it needs to be said that the old notion of diaspora as pain, exile, and trauma has undergone a paradigm shift, and it is now “viewed more positively as a kind of post-national cosmopolitanism or Creoleness in which the diasporic subject represents a new, more advanced stage of politically and culturally heterogeneous citizenry” (Buchanan 137). (shrink)

Since coming to power in 2010, the UK Coalition government has enacted a series of cuts to public spending, under the auspices of austerity. Underpinning these cuts is a neo-liberal model of citizenship, in which citizens are expected to be autonomous, independent and economically productive, and in which the responsibilities of citizenship outweigh the rights. This model of citizenship is characterised by a paradoxical approach to social reproduction. The Coalition government has taken a significant interest in social reproduction as a (...) means of creating the next generation of ‘good’ neo-liberal citizens; yet, the current austerity measures involve the withdrawal of state support for social reproduction activities. Drawing on participant observation carried out with migrant women's groups in Sheffield and Manchester, as well as interviews with group members, this article demonstrates how the government's paradoxical approach to social reproduction, combined with gendered and racialised discourses of citizenship and ‘Britishness’, have led to policies that place ethnic minority migrant women in an untenable situation. The social reproduction activities of ethnic minority migrant women are the subject of intense government interest, because of the concern that they will be unable to produce ‘good’ neo-liberal citizens. In some cases, this has led to government policies clearly intended to dissuade ‘undesirable’ migrants from having children. In other cases, migrant women are expected to show their commitment to integration, both for themselves and their children, specifically by learning English, even as the government has drastically cut funding for English as a Second or Other Language (ESOL) classes. While seemingly paradoxical, this is in keeping with a racialised neo-liberal model of citizenship under which the ‘responsible’ migrant mother should be able to parent and learn English without government assistance. Nonetheless, these policies are actually self-defeating, as they prevent migrant women from exhibiting the very characteristics of neo-liberal citizenship that they are ostensibly trying to encourage. (shrink)

In this article, I use a Marxist feminist methodology to map the organisation of migrant sex workers’ socially reproductive paid and unpaid labour in one city and country of arrival, London, UK. I argue that unfree and ‘free’ labour exists on a continuum of capitalist relations of production, which are gendered, racialised, and legal. It is within these relations that various actors implement, and migrant sex workers contest, unfree labour practices not limited to the most extreme forms. My analysis reveals (...) that many migrant sex workers have very limited ‘freedom’. This is in stark contrast to the classical liberal claim of sex worker rights activists and academics that the vast majority of migrant sex workers are free, and therefore not coerced, exploited or trafficked. I then consider whether the emerging labour approach to trafficking could help achieve ‘freedom’ for migrant sex workers. Advocates argue that anti-trafficking efforts must, and can, be refocused on extending minimum labour and social protections to all vulnerable workers. I argue that this approach is disconnected from material interests and history. Rather, migrant sex workers, sex worker rights activists, and all migrant and citizen workers and activists globally must collectively organise against ‘labour unfreedom’ and hence for meaningful control over their labour and lives. (shrink)

The last decades have envisioned a shift in the framework that guides different psychological concepts, including those related to well-being, mental health and pathology. Critical Psychology (Pavón-Cuellar, Critical psychology and social struggle: past, present, future. Poiésis, 37, 19–34, 2019; Teo & Wendt, Some clarifications on critical and Indigenous psychologies, Theory & Psychology, 30(3) 371–376., 2020) in line with Decolonial Feminism (Davis, Women, race and class: An activist perspective, Women’s Studies Quarterly,10(4), 5, 1982; hooks, Black women: Shaping feminist theory. In J. (...) James & T. D. Sharpley-Whiting (Eds.), The black feminist reader (pp. 132–133). Blackwell, 2000) has questioned the pertinence and usefulness of traditional psychological categories for approaching the contemporary human psyche, interactions and suffering. Based on an ontology of rationality and individuality and built with positivistic methodologies that in most cases objectify human beings by the labour of statistics and generalisation (Arocha, Scientific realism and the issue of variability in behavior, Theory & Psychology, 31(3) 375–39, 2021), hegemonic psychology has assembled an idea of psychological needs, well-being and mental health that, critical psychologists argue, in some cases pathologies many ways of being and feeling of non-Western male subjects.Underlying this new paradigm of psychology is the idea that human experience lies not exclusively in the depth of individual processes but in the socio-cultural and historical conditions that expand or curtail the conditions of possibility for people (Seco-Martínez, From formal equality to material equality. Cuestiones previas y problemas a revisar, Derechos y libertadas, 36 (Época II), 57–89, 2017). Human well-being and suffering, and therefore their scope and remedies, are not only to be found in neural circuits but also in social interactions, cultural values and practices (Vygotski, The genesis of higher mental functions. In J.V. Wertsch (Ed.), The concept of activity in Soviet Psychology. Sharpe, 1981).Migration, and specifically the experience of migrant and racialised women, is one of the fields in which a critical stance on mental issues becomes necessary (Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La frontera: The new mestiza. Aunt Lute books, 1987; Marecek, Invited reflection: Intersectionality theory and feminist psychology. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 40(2), 177–181, 2016). When attending to “othered” subjects in social, educational or health services, practitioners informed by the categories of classical psychology might outline a pathological reading of migrant women’s symptoms and psychological needs, using diagnostic categories that might not relate to their cultural assumptions and motives (Macías-Gómez-Estern, Critical Psychology for Community Emancipation: Insights from Socio-educative Praxis in Hybrid Settings. In Machin, Raudelio (eds.), New Waves in Social Psychology (pp. 25–54). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2021). On the other hand, in claiming to denounce the deprived and oppressive situations suffered by most migrant women, some studies highlight the mental health consequences of their living conditions (Celorio, Mental health and acculturation stress: changes in family and gender roles in Latin American migrant women (Doctoral dissertation, University of Deusto), 2016), showing that their levels of anxiety and depression are higher than those of the local population. However, these accounts have been considered incomplete from more recent feminist and decolonial approaches (Anleu-Hernández & García-Moreno, Migration, resilience and social work: Latin Americans in Tarragona. The British Journal of Social Work, 44 (suppl_1), 88–104, 2014), which consider that the focus on individual mental health problems obscures the interactional, social, spiritual and emotional resources that migrant women can put into action to healthily navigate the domineering circumstances they are going through while caring for others and maintaining affective bonds.In this chapter, we will analyse these accounts related to migrant women’s mental health from a critical and feminist psychology perspective, where the tension between the need to recognise the socio-cultural origin of mental problems (and pathologies) and the urgency of recognising resilience, agency and power in migrant women is at play. Our reflections will be informed by community-based research on migrant women in Spain and Portugal, with a special focus on Latinas as one of the most represented migrant communities in these European countries. (shrink)