President Trump and his administration have repeatedly threatened to invoke insurrection powers and unleash US military and National Guard members in American cities in response to civil uprisings and alleged interferences with immigration officials’ actions. In so doing, they raise a specter of significant constitutional clashes over the use of these antiquated emergency authorities. To the extent Congress is unwilling to constrain presidential discretion, the US Supreme Court may be called on to clarify the scope and limits of (...) class='Hi'>Insurrection Act powers. (shrink)

Domestic sovereignty and international sovereignty have both been eroded in recent years, but the former to a much greater extent than the latter. An oppressed people's right to fight for liberal democratic reforms in their own country is treated as axiomatic, as the international responses to the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya illustrate. But there is a reluctance to accept that foreign intervention is always justified in the same circumstances. Ned Dobos assesses the moral cogency of this double standard (...) and asks whether intervention can be consistently and coherently opposed given our attitudes towards other kinds of political violence. His thought-provoking book will interest a wide range of readers in political philosophy and international relations. (shrink)

Solid state physics, the study of the physical properties of solid matter, was the most populous subfield of Cold War American physics. Despite prolific contributions to consumer and medical technology, such as the transistor and magnetic resonance imaging, it garnered less professional prestige and public attention than nuclear and particle physics. Solid State Insurrection argues that solid state physics was essential to securing the vast social, political, and financial capital Cold War physics enjoyed in the twentieth century. Solid state’s (...) technological bent, and its challenge to the “pure science” ideal many physicists cherished, helped physics as a whole respond more readily to Cold War social, political, and economic pressures. Its research kept physics economically and technologically relevant, sustaining its cultural standing and policy influence long after the sheen of the Manhattan Project had faded. (shrink)

This philosophical conversation was the 2025 Coss Dialogue at the 52nd Annual Meeting of the Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy at Howard University in Washington, DC. It explores how insurrection, liberation, and joy intertwine in everyday struggles for racial and economic justice. Drawing on decades of community organizing experience in Washington, DC, Moulden describes how philosophy, popular education, storytelling, and community-led power building enable Black people and other oppressed persons to claim their rights to housing, work, and (...) place. He emphasizes consciousness-raising and community-building as philosophical and practical outcomes of organizing, even when material victories appear partial, temporary, or seemingly nonexistent. The dialogue highlights initiatives and organizations like ONE DC, the Black Workers & Wellness Center, and cooperative ownership models that challenge racialized capitalism and displacement through participatory democracy and the incubation of economic alternatives. (shrink)

This chapters explores Schlegel’s view on transitional forms of republicanism in his Essay on the Concept of Republicanism Occasioned by the Kantian Tract Perpetual Peace (1796). These rightful – but necessarily temporally limited – types of collective action are insurrection and provisional dictatorship. These forms of republicanism are absent in Kant’s theory of right, as they are manifestly incompatible with his account of popular sovereignty. Since Schlegel endorses a different view of sovereignty, the people, and the state, he is (...) able to combine Kantian principles of justice with a defense of revolution and dictatorship as legitimate ways of implementing the republican ideal. This makes Schlegel’s argument on transitional forms of republicanism Kantian in “spirit,” although based on two claims that oppose the “letter” of Kant’s theory of right, namely an account of the people as having the power to depose the ruler or to suspend the law and an understanding of the state as a means rather than an end in itself. (shrink)

Après la revendication d’un great New Deal face au changement climatique pendant la campagne présidentielle, contrairement aux prévisions déçues de la gauche du parti démocrate et de la gauche en général, l’administration Biden a mis en place une série de virages qui peuvent annoncer un nouveau paradigme. Il y a un rapport étroit entre l’innovation que Biden représente et le mouvement qui, en juillet 2020, a secoué l’Amérique après l’assassinat de George Floyd, à Minneapolis. Dans ce rapport entre mouvement et (...) gouvernement, s’est mis en place l’ébauche d’un véritable new New Deal? (shrink)

Just war theory has traditionally accepted revolutionary overthrow of an undemocratic government as a just cause but not foreign intervention for the same purpose. For many contemporary cosmopolitan theorists this asymmetry involves an indefensible inconsistency. For example, Ned Dobos argues that it is only a potential foreign intervener’s duty to its own citizens and soldiers, not any additional duty of non-intervention, that places additional restrictions upon the use of force across borders. I defend insurrection/intervention asymmetry, arguing that due to (...) several intersecting practical difficulties, intervention has a higher threshold of just cause. I argue that interven­tion’s high costs and low likelihood of success, intervener’s limited ability to evaluate the validity of democratic intervention, and the effects of intervention on the international system, lead to a stronger presumption against intervention than revolution. In particular, democratization is a just cause for revolution but not humanitarian intervention. (shrink)

2011 witnessed a series of challenges to neoliberalism on a global scale perhaps not seen since the political upheavals of 1968. The uprisings were generated by a series of crises of neoliberalism and of oppressive state regimes that took different forms in the Middle East, Europe, the United States, and other regions shaken by the turbulent upheavals of 2011. In this chapter, I will indicate how these global insurrections provide challenges to the dominant ideology of neoliberalism and provoke the need (...) for activists, students, citizens, and public intellectuals to oppose the dominant common-sense ideology that market capitalism and a deregulatory state provide the best conditions for social stability and well-being. I interpret the insurrections of 2011 in part as a response to crises of neoliberalism that attempt to reconstruct society and promote democracy and social justice. (shrink)

The author maintains that we shall be incapable of understanding the phenomenon of the Warsaw Uprising if we do not keep in mind the essence of its definition. The Warsaw Uprising was not only an armed insurrection (a planned insurgent military act) but also—and probably first and foremost—a three-dimensional state act: 1.The Uprising was a continuation, consequence, and culmination of the five-years long activity of the Polish Underground State. 2.Responsibility for the decision to start the Warsaw Uprising was taken (...) upon themselves by three highest representatives of the Polish Underground State: Vice Premier Jan Stanislaw Jankowski “Soból”, Delegate of the Government of the Republic of Poland (died in a Soviet prison in 1953), Kazimierz Pużak “Bazyli”, Chairman of the Council of National Unity—the underground Parliament (died in a Polish prison in 1950), and General Tadeusz Komorowski “Bór”, Commander of the Home Army, who issued the appropriate order. 3.The Warsaw Uprising denoted not only armed hostilities, but also the disclosure and transition to open activity of the secret structures of the Polish Underground State, albeit in a limited time, area and range, restricted by extremely unfavorable external conditions. (shrink)

This article seeks to trace the origins of contemporary ‘post-workerism’ in the formulation of concepts of political subjectivity, antagonism and insurrection in Tronti and Negri. In particular, it tries to excavate the seemingly paradoxical position which postulates the increasing immanence of struggles, as based on the Marxian thesis of real subsumption, together with the intensification of the political autonomy or separation of the working class. In order to grasp the political and theoretical proposals of Italian workerism and autonomism, Toscano (...) concentrates on the thesis of a historical transformation of capitalism into an increasingly parasitical and politically violent social relation, a thesis which is grounded in an interpretation of Marx’s notion of ‘tendency’ and which serves as the background to the exploration, especially in Negri, of increasingly uncompromising forms of antagonism. The article focuses especially on Tronti’s so-called ‘Copernican revolution’—giving workers’ struggles primacy in the understanding of capitalism—and critically inquires into the effect of this workerist axiom on Negri’s writings on proletarian sabotage and insurrection in the 1970s. By way of a conclusion, it notes the difficulties in prolonging the workerist gambit in light of capital’s continued effort, as Tronti would put it, to emancipate itself from the working class. (shrink)

Following Cornel West and Leonard Harris, this chapter reflects on how pragmatism can address the _tragedy_ of racial injustices and meet the _insurrectionist_ challenges these injustices raise. _Pace_ those who argue that pragmatism and insurrectionism are incompatible, this chapter argues for the possibility of an _insurrectionist pragmatism_ as a response to racial injustices. First, in order to carve out a conceptual space for an insurrectionist pragmatism, it argues against pragmatist conceptions of meliorism as a naive _optimism_ or gradual _reformism_. Second, (...) it argues that we can find conceptual and motivational resources in pragmatism for insurrectionary thought and action in the egalitarian notion of human flourishing and in the pluralistic view of community and democratic culture. Drawing on Maria Stewart, the chapter offers an analysis of racial oppression as a form of _epistemic death_ that calls for _epistemic insurrection_, and highlights how pragmatism can be used for resisting racial epistemic oppression. (shrink)

Community leaders in Colombia have historically suffered processes of microaggressions and intimidation that threaten the free exercise of their voice in the processes of production of knowledge and in the participation of the planning of their territories. In this article, we explore the case study of the Network of Community Researchers (NCR), also known in Spanish as Red de Investigadores Comunitarios, promoted by the University of Antioquia, Colombia. The NCR is a commitment to the co-production of knowledge about human security (...) from below between community researchers and academics. This article analyses the contribution of the NCR to the human security of Medellin and a specific collection of capabilities for epistemic liberation of community researchers: the capability to be recognised as a producer of valid knowledge, to do through communicative openness, to learn from collective knowledge and to transform through collective action. The expansion of these four capabilities evidence processes of resistance and hermeneutic insurrection of some community leaders and activists who participate in the NCR. The analysis shows the contribution of the NCR to facilitate and generate a safe space in which community researchers communicate knowledge and practices and share experiences, risks, struggles, fears and collective dreams of transformation. (shrink)

Lee A. McBride III articulates an ethical position that takes critical pragmatism and Harrisian insurrectionist philosophy seriously. It suggests that there are values and norms that create boundaries that confine, reduce and circumscribe the actions we allow ourselves to consider. This book argues that an insurrectionist ethos is integral in the disavowing of norms and traditions that justify or perpetuate oppression and that we must throw our faith behind something, some set of values, if we want a chance at shaping (...) a future. (shrink)

In the crucible of the pandemic, it has never before been clearer that, to ensure the relevance and even the survival of the discipline, nursing must cultivate a radical imagination. In the paper that follows, I trace the imperative for conjuring a radical imagination for nursing. In this fever dream for nursing futures, built on speculative visions of what could be, I draw on anarchist, abolitionist, posthuman, Black feminist, new materialist and other big ideas to plant seeds of generative (...) class='Hi'>insurrection and creative resistance. In thinking through a radical imagination, I unpack the significance of reparatory history for nursing, a discipline founded on normative whiteness. From there, I consider what it would take to shift the capitalist frame of healthcare to one of mutual aid, which requires the deep work of abolition. With a radical imagination that breaks down the enclosures that contain us through reparatory history, mutual aid and abolition, kinship becomes urgently possible. (shrink)

Materialism & Dialectics : Marx -- The Dialectic of the Concrete Concept : Manheim -- Liberating "the Critical" in Critical Theory : Marcuse -- The Linguistic Turn's Evasion of Philosophy : Critical Warrants for Radical Praxis and Pedagogy -- Herbert Marcuse and the New Culture Wars -- Education Against Alienation -- The Labor Theory of Ethics and Commonwealth -- Global Capitalism and Radical Opposition : Herbert Marcuse;s 1974 Paris Lectures -- Critical Education and Political Economy -- Decommodification & Liberation : (...) Commonwealth as Aesthetic Form of Alienation-Free Society -- A Commonwealth Counter-Offensive -- Appendix No. 1: Engaging a Radical Past : Socialist Germans in New York City, 1853 -- Appendix No. 2: Engaging a Radical Past : Anti-Racism in Kansas Free State Struggle, 1854-64. (shrink)

Social Science relies heavily on the use of ethnography and other forms of qualitative study, research that may place the researcher as well as their subjects at significant ethical risk. In Canada, Research Ethics Boards are responsible for protecting research participants during these studies. But how much ethical oversight ought the Research Ethics Boards be entitled to? Are they repressing valuable qualitative studies or are the Social Science simply rebelling against new but appropriate control mechanisms not formerly applied to them? (...) This paper evaluates how well the changes made in the TCPS 2 respond to the concerns of Social Scientists as presented in the literature. (shrink)

El presente artículo constituye una lectura interpretativa de las movilizaciones sociales sucedidas en Chile, a partir del 18 de octubre de 2019. Para ello se recurre a los conceptos de “acto” y “acontecimiento” desarrollados por Žižek, a partir de rupturas y continuidades con los planteamientos Lacan y Badiou, que servirán para pensar la trascendencia histórica de las protestas chilenas. Para ahondar en esta lectura se propone un análisis a partir de las categorías de ruptura, pérdida, falta, historicidad, repolitización, retroactividad y (...) repetición, concluyendo que los sucesos del 18 de octubre y los meses subsecuentes, marcan un punto que quiebre con la hegemonía neoliberal, al introducir una negatividad capaz de trastocar el orden simbólico imperante, animada por una ética del deseo. (shrink)

Nous ambitionnons de rendre compte d’une grande partie de l’œuvre de Belhaj Kacem ; notre première partie thématisera cette époque qui se complaît dans son soi-disant « nihilisme » ; ensuite, il sera question de la singulière oblitération d’une tradition philosophique qui osait placer le mal au centre de son dispositif ; enfin, nous tâcherons d’éprouver le jeu comme horizon émancipateur. Notre propos ne consistera en aucun cas à multiplier les comparaisons avec ses possibles prédécesseurs ; n...

As the globalized regime of neoliberal capitalism consolidates its grip on the world, it refines the micropolitics proper to the capitalist system and makes it more perverse. This micropolitics involves the appropriation – what Suely Rolnik calls the “pimping” – of life, as it turns the life drive itself away from creation and cooperation and towards the deadening, destructive practice necessary for capital accumulation. This dynamic is the engine of what Rolnik calls the colonial-capitalistic unconscious regime. She also identifies the (...) conditions necessary to fight against this regime – namely, a reappropriation of the life drive, the energetic basis at the heart of all life forms, human life included, and the principal source of extraction for capitalism. Drawing on examples from across the Americas, including Brazil and the United States, Rolnik examines the circumstances that have given rise to regressive, reactionary governments throughout the world. These circumstances include, at the macro level, an alliance between neoliberalism and extreme conservatism and, at the micro level, a crisis of the hegemonic subject in the face of the emergent empowerment of marginalized communities that practice other modes of subjectivation. This crucial book by one of the most prominent intellectuals in Latin America today will be of great value to anyone interested in contemporary politics and social struggles. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article proposes that two movements emerge in Maurice Blanchot’s reading of the Marquis de Sade in “Insurrection, the Madness of Writing.” The first is the negation of the law, which is the dialectical overturning of one regime by another. The second uproots and refuses the instantiation of any order, which is Sade’s conception of insurrection. The article argues that Blanchot’s enigmatic notion of the “moment of revolution” is the point in which the negation of the law (...) has reached its extreme point and transitions into insurrection. Further, this article contends that the moment of revolution, for Blanchot, is not a condition external to writing but intrinsic to literature as such. This article will elaborate the argument by annotating “Insurrection” with two of Blanchot’s allegories for literature: his retellings of Kafka’s “The Burrow” and the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice. By constellating these allegories with Blanchot’s reading of Sade and highlighting their shared thematic structural properties, the article aims to demonstrate that “Insurrection,” too, should be read as an allegory of literature. Ultimately, at stake is an understanding of how Blanchot theorizes a revolutionary potentiality intrinsic to his conception of literature, which is both latent and fundamental to his various allegories of writing. (shrink)

abstract Many reasons have been given as to why humanitarian intervention might not be justified even where rebellion with similar aims would be a morally legitimate option. One of them is that intervention involves the imposition of alien values on the target society. Michael Walzer formulates this objection in terms of a people's right to a state that ‘expresses their inherited culture’ and that they can truly ‘call their own’. I argue that this right can plausibly be said to extend (...) sovereignty to at least some illiberal governments, and therefore to impose at least some moral constraints on humanitarian intervention. The problem for Walzer is that this right cannot form the basis of a constraint that applies to foreign intervention exclusively. Once the details of Walzer's argument are teased out, it becomes apparent that civil war and revolution must be equally restricted by this right. Hence a people's prerogative to be governed in accordance with familiar traditions cannot coherently be invoked to show that intervention is impermissible in cases where insurrection is taken to be justified. (shrink)

Ces deux ouvrages rendent hommage et restituent la pensée plurielle de Françoise Collin (1928-2012), philosophe, écrivaine et féministe belge, ayant vécu en France et essaimé en Europe. Publiés dans un contexte similaire, ils visent néanmoins des objectifs différents. Le premier, Françoise Collin. L’insurrection permanente d’une pensée discontinue (abr. IP), caractérisé par son ampleur, entend reconstruire, selon les termes de l’auteure, la pensée complexe et « discontinue » de la philosophe...

This article explores projects of art and biology as joyful acts of insurrection. It presents critical and creative perspectives to generate alternative structures of subjec-tivity. These alternative structures gain relevance when intersectional variables of privilege and discrimination as political tools are set in crisis by a postanthropocen-tric awareness. The thesis of this article is that in order to understand and develop postanthropocentric intersectional positions, the microbial posthuman joins thecartographies of the posthuman as a material possibility from microscopic biologicalmatter and (...) philosophical and artistic thought. This microbial posthuman also allows for a reframing in the light of microbiopolitics, a redistribution of pain, life and deathwithin a broader notion of life. (shrink)

This chapter looks at the impact of the use of American flags as apparel and costuming in the January 6th insurrection. Utilizing literature on cultural memory, the author analyzes the development of a political flag culture in America, where the flag acts as a stand-in for other elements of sameness that other states can rally around (e.g., the same religion or ethnic or racial heritage). Over time, the flag pivots from a symbol of liberal protest to conservative values and (...) white supremacy. The author finds that Trump utilized the history of a political flag culture in America to embolden his followers and inflame what became the January 6th insurrection. Insurrectionists utilized the American flag as a means of claiming cultural and historical legitimacy and supremacy as an attempt to re-found the country: the ultimate reenactment of the 1776 revolution. (shrink)

이 글은 현대한국철학의 역사를 정립하기 위한 예비적 시도다. 이 시도는 우선 최근 정 치적 주체로 급부상한 '페미니즘 주체'의 탈역사적 성격, 즉 선험적 통일성을 담지하지 않 는 역사 이후의 주체로서의 성격을 적극 참조한다. 이른바 칸트가 개진했던 '이성의 역사'라고 하는 이성의 자기발전에 대한 역사적 성찰에 대해 이 탈역사적 주체는 그 뿌리에서부 터 문제제기를 하고 있다. 다시 말해 현대한국철학사 역시 서양철학사와 동일하게 '철학적 문제는 어떻게 발생하는가'(철학의 체계)와 '이 문제를 정식화하기 위한 개념들의 역사적 발생(철학사)', 이 양자의 이율배반적 관계에 직면할 수밖에 없다. 현대한국철학을 규정하기 위해 (...) 우선 푸코를 따라 현대철학은 '계몽'의 문제인 동시에, 서양의 보편적, 계몽적 주체에 대해 유대인이 갖는 역사적 특수성에 유비적으로 한국의 계몽적 주체 또한 계몽의 반대항으로 역사적 경험으로서의 파국 의 축을 노정한다. 서구라는 타자에 의한 자기상실과 절망으로서의 파국 그리고 타자의 보편적 계몽주의를 번역하고 전유하려는 집단적 시도 로서의 계몽. 이 양축은 타자의 침입에 대한 민중의 '봉기'의 축과 이것을 헌법의 이념으 로 정립하는 '헌정'의 축(3ㆍ1운동 등)과 교차한다. 그렇다면 '누가 철학자인가?'라는 철학 자의 정체성과 관련한 문제에 대하여 우리는 철학이 철학자의 삶의 방식과 분리될 수 없고 도리어 철학의 성격을 규정한다고 주장한다. 그러면서 모방이 가능한 철학자의 사회적, 집단적 인격을 페르소나 라고 정의하고 이 페르소나에 바탕을 두고 자기를 형성하는 '아스케시스'가 철학자의 정체성을 규정하는 근거가 된다고도 주장할 것이다. 이 네 개의 축(계몽, 파국, 봉기, 헌정)과 두 개의 근거(페르소나, 아스케시스)는 현대한국철학의 역사를 쓰기 위한 개념적 도구들이 될 것이다. (shrink)

David Kilcullen, an Australian soldier-scholar who acted as counterinsurgency advisor to both the Pentagon and the State Department in theusWar on Terror, is refashioning himself as an expert on geospatial security and urban crises. HisOut of the Mountainsis a Malthusian account of urban disorder in the global South, in what he calls ‘crowded, complex, and coastal’ cities as a terrain of future asymmetric warfare. This review situates his work within the intellectual context of the counterinsurgency & pacification epistemic community out (...) of which it arises, and addresses why his book may have received plaudits from the socialist urban theorist Mike Davis. (shrink)

La « Guerre des Demoiselles » éclate en Ariège au début du XIX e siècle en réaction à la disparition des droits d’usage ancestraux qui fondaient l’habitabilité du territoire et la survie de ses habitants. Bien qu’elle emprunte de façon générale certains aspects de la guérilla, nous verrons que cette rébellion se signale aussi par le déploiement d’un langage symbolique et poétique qui à la fois « habite » et « hante » son milieu, montrant la consubstantialité et la mise (...) en crise simultanée du prosaïque et du poétique, de l’habitat et du discours. (shrink)

Revisits, reassesses, and reclaims the legacy of May '68 in light of our present cultural and historical emergency.