A Presuppositional Analysis of Specific Indefinites: Common Grounds as Structured Information States
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‘-어야’의 의미와 서법
Second Language Research, Apr 1, 2013
Free Choice Readings of Disjunctive Sentences and Implicatures of Existence
In middle constructions the external argument is syntactically inactive, but is understood to be ... more In middle constructions the external argument is syntactically inactive, but is understood to be people in generaL But controversially it is optionally realized as a for-phrase which can denote a specific individuaL I propose that a for-phrase is indirectly associated with the implied agent. However, this does not explain the observation that middle constructions tend to be generiC. A middle verb itself is aspectually non-generic, but a middle construction is generic as a whole. This requires the presence of the generic operator. One thing missing is how a middle construction is guaranteed to be generic. I propose that the event argument is given the feature [ANY], which must be associated with the generic operator. My proposal could cause some problems in semantic interpretation, and I show ~hat they can be avoided by existential disclosure.
Presuppositions as Inducing Various Scope Readings • 0. • I am grateful to Manfred Krifka and Cle... more Presuppositions as Inducing Various Scope Readings • 0. • I am grateful to Manfred Krifka and Cleo Condoravdt for corrections of errors, comments, and suggestions on earlier drafts. For discussion of data, I thank Ralph Blight, Mtchelle Moo�ally. Mary Shapiro. and other linguists tn the department All rcmammg err ors m JUdgments and argument� arc mtne.
Quantifiers in intensional contexts cause difficulty in explaining their scope phenomena in the s... more Quantifiers in intensional contexts cause difficulty in explaining their scope phenomena in the standard linguistics. A strong quantifier has narrower scope than an intensional operator, but the nominal predicate has the de re interpretation, and an indefinite can have wide scope over an intensional operator over a syntactic island. In the paper, I propose a new way of interpreting a strong quantifier, assuming that a strong quantifier triggers the presupposition that there is a non-empty set determined by the nominal predicate. A presupposition tends to be projected over an intensional operator. This gives the effect that the nominal predicate gets the de re interpretation. On the other hand, the nuclear scope of the quantifier, together with the nominal predicate, determines another set in the local context, and the quantificational force is determined by the relation of the two sets. A weak quantifier is ambiguous, and it can be interpreted as triggering a presupposition, as a strong quantifier does. A quantifier in this use can be analyzed in the same way, but it leads to the effect that the quantifier, not just the nominal predicate, has scope over an intensional operator because of a semantic property of the quantifier. This new way of interpreting a quantifier is independently motivated by the observation that the two sets are referred to at a later discourse.
It is well-known that -ess is sometimes interpreted as past tense and sometimes as perfect aspect... more It is well-known that -ess is sometimes interpreted as past tense and sometimes as perfect aspect. But most analyses claim that one meaning can be derived from the other pragmatically. In this paper, I claim that -ess is ambiguous and takes two different syntactic positions depending on its meaning. To support this, I show that the two interpretations are indepen-dent and semantically different in several ways. The crucial differences can be traced back to the locations of reference times. They might be determined linguistically or pragmatically, but the differences in reference times come from semantic differences. And perfect interpretations vary with classes of predicates, while past interpretations do not show such variations. This also makes them distinctive.
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