Cordial thanks to John Connelly and the editors of Slavic Review for their helpful remarks during the conception and structuring of this essay—and their enormous commitment to making it sound like real English.

1 Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Publizistische Kollaboration im sog. Generalgouvernement: Personengeschichtliche Aspekte der deutschen Okkupationsherrschaft in Polen (1939-1945),” Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 48, no. 1 (1999): 50–89 Google Scholar, esp. 82-85.

2 Quoted in Rautenberg, Hans-Werner, “Ressentiments und Annäherungsversuche: Das polnisch-jüdische Verhältnis in der Publizistik 1987-1992,” Dokumentation Oslmitteleuropa 18, nos. 5 -6 (December 1992): 22.Google Scholar

3 First published in Tygodnik Powszechny, no. 2, 11 January 1987. English translation in Polin 2 (1987): 321-36.

4 The most important statements in the debate are collected in Polonsky, Antony, ed., “My Brothers Keeper?” Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust (London, 1990);Google Scholar fürther Polish statements in German translation in Rautenberg, “Ressentiments,” 41-146.

5 See Jan T. Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction ofthejewish Community injedwabne, Poland (Princeton, 2001); important contributions to the discussion in Poland are collected in Polonsky, Antony and Michlic, Joanna B., eds., The Neighbors Respond: The Controversy over the Jedwabne Massacre in Poland (Princeton, 2004).Google Scholar

6 See the discussion on the book by Rybicka, Anetta, Instytut Niemieckiej Pracy Wschodniej, Institut für Deutsche Ostarbeit, Kraków 1940-1945 (Warsaw, 2002)Google Scholar, documented in German translation in InterFinitimos: Jahrbuch zur deutsch-polnischen Beziehungsgeschichte, 2004, no. 2:51-74; and the statements published in Tygodnik Powszechny in spring and summer 2003.

7 Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Über den Widerstandsmythos im besetzten Polen in der Historiographie,” 1999: Zeilschrift für Sozialgeschichte des 20. und 21. Jahrhunderts 13, no. 1 (1998): 10–60.Google Scholar See also Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Kollaboration und Antisemitismus in Polen unter deutscher Besatzung (1939-1944/45): Zu verdrängten Aspekten eines schwierigen deutsch-polnisch-judischen Verhaltnisses,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 45,no.9 (1997): 818–34.Google Scholar

8 For an overview focusing on the occupied Polish territories, see Steinlauf, Michael C., “Poland,” in Wyman, David S., ed., The World Reacts to the Holocaust. (Baltimore, 1996), 81–155.Google Scholar On the persistence of the Jewish complex in Polish collective memory, see Steinlauf, Michael C., Bondage to the Dead: Poland and the Memory of the Holocaust (Syracuse, 1997).Google ScholarFor an analysis of interethnic relations, see Polonsky, Antony, “Beyond Condemnation, Apologetics and Apologies: On the Complexity of Polish Behavior toward the Jews during the Second World War,” in Frankel, Jonathan, ed., The Fate of the European Jews, 1939-1945: Continuity or Contingency1? (New York, 1997), 190–224;Google Scholar a shorter and mor general treatment is in Polonsky, Antony, “Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust,“ Polin 4 (1989): 226–42.Google Scholar

9 Recently I have dealt with the cooperative functions of welfare institutions like Rada Glówna Opiekuńcza and the lower administrative level in the countryside under the occupying regime, as well as with the immediate participation of Poles in anti-Jewish excesses and crimes, which occurred not only in Jedwabne. Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Zusammenarbeit und Mittäterschaft in Polen 1939-1945,” in Dieckmann, Christoph, Quinkert, Babette, and Tönsmeyer, Tatjana, eds., Kooperation und Verbrechen: Formen der “Kollaboration” im östlichen Europa 1939-1945 (Göttingen, 2003), 113–50.Google Scholar

10 This thesis is also put forward in an unbalanced study by Piotrowski, Tadeusz, Poland s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947 (Jefferson, N.C., 1998).Google Scholar The author considers collaboration exclusively under ethnic terms as if it was ethnically determined; see my critical review in Zeilschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 48, no. 2 (1999): 277-79.

11 A recent contribution to the postwar Polish politics of commemoration is Huener, Jonathan, Auschwitz, Poland and the Politics of Commemoration 1945-1979 (Athens, Ohio, 2003).Google Scholar

12 See my study of the communists’ official press in postwar Poland: Klaus-Peter Friedrich, “Der nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen: Einstellungen in der polnischen Presse 1942-1946/47” (PhD diss., Universität zu Köln, 2003), 382-528; electronic resource: http://kups.ub.uni-koeln.de/volltexte/2003/952/ (last consulted 6 July 2005); on the press's look back at the murder of the Jews in the immediate postwar period, see also Klaus-Peter Friedrich, “Zweigeteilte Erinnerung: Der Ruckblick auf den NS-Judenmord während der kommunistischen Machtübernahme in Polen (1944–1946),“ Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung 5, no. 2 (2004): 81-113.

13 See Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Der ‘Fall Józef Mackiewicz’ und die polnische Zeitgeschichte: Geschichtsbilder und Biographien zwischen Kollaboration und Widerstand,“ Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschafi 48, no. 8 (2000): 697–717, esp. 705-6.Google Scholar

14 Malcużyński, Karol, “Niemiecka propaganda w Generalnej Guberni,” Pneglgd Socjalistyczny 1, no. 2 (1 December 1945): 34–39.Google Scholar

15 See Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Die Legitimierung ‘Volkspolens’ durch den polnischen Opferstatus: Zur kommunistischen Machtübernahme in Polen am Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs,” Zeitschriftfür Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 52, no. 1 (2003): 1–51.Google Scholar

16 See Friedrich, “Legitimierung ‘Volkspolens,'” and Friedrich, “'Fall Jozef Mackiewicz.'“

17 Stefan Jędrychowski, “22 lipca,” Odrodzenie, 1947, no. 29.

18 Gazeta Ludowa, 1947, no. 195. Garczyński was at that time editor-in-chief. It is remarkable that despite censorship, one of the Catholic weeklies was, in 1947, still able to publish the gist of this polemic on (alleged) Polish quislings and collaboration. See “Przegląd prasy: Trzeba świat przekonać,” Tygodnik Warszawski, no. 32, 10 August 1947.

19 Cf. “Kionika polityczna: Podżegacze wqjny bratobójczej,” Trybuna Wolności, no. 42, 15 October 1943.

20 Bierut, Boleslaw, “Drogą przemian dziejowych,” Gtos Ludu, no. 1 (389), 1 January 1946.Google Scholar

21 See the introduction to Dieckmann, Kooperation unci Verbrechen, 9-21.

22 See the Warsaw chapter in Szarota, Tomasz, Uprogu zagtady: Zajścia antyzydonaskie i pogromy w okupowanej Europie; Warszaioa, Paryż, Amsterdam, Antwerpia, Kowno (Warsaw, 2000);Google Scholar as well as an essay on recent research literature: Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Juden und jüdisch- polnische Beziehungen in der Zweiten Polnischen Republik (1918-1939): Neuere Literatur,” Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 46, no. 4 (1997): 535–60, esp. 555-59.Google Scholar

23 Gross, Jan Tomasz, Polish Society under German Occupation: The Generalgouvernement, 1939-1944 (Princeton, 1979), 119;Google Scholar see also Friedrich, “Uber den Widerstandsmythos,“ 15-16. The district of Galicia has since been the subject of two studies focusing on the persecution of the Jewish population: Pohl, Dieter, Nationalsozialistischejudenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941-1944 (Munich, 1996)Google Scholar, and Sandkühler, Thomas, “Endlösung” in Galizien: Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und dieRettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz 1941-1944 (Bonn, 1996).Google Scholar

24 These figures include the city of Warsaw but do not include the districts of Warsaw and Galicia and the employees of the Ostbahn. Dlugoborski, Waclaw, “Die deutsche Besatzungspolitik und die Veränderungen der sozialen Struktur Polens 1939-1945,” in Dlugoborski, Waclaw, ed., Zweiler Weltkrieg und sozialer Wandel: Achsenmächte und besetzte Lander (Göttingen, 1981), 345;Google Scholar Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation, 133-34.

25 Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation, 141.

26 In July 1940. Wiaderny, Bernard, “Nie chciana kolaboracja: Polscy politycy i nazistowskie Niemcy w lipcu 1940,” Zeszyty Historyczne, 2002, no. 142:131–40.Google Scholar

27 Gondek, Leszek, Polska karczaca 1939-1945 (Warsaw, 1988), 120.Google Scholar

28 Madajczyk, Czeslaw, “Kann man inPolen 1939-1945 von Kollaboration sprechen?” in Röhr, Werner, ed., Okkupalion unci Kollaboration 1938-1945: Beiträge zu Konzepten und Praxis der Kollaboration in derdeutschen Okkupationspolitik (Berlin, 1994), 148.Google Scholar

29 For an analysis of the underground press see Friedrich, “Nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen,” 7-8, 10-11, 15, and the introductions to the chapters of part III; as to the cultural collaboration of Polish artists and intellectuals with both occupation regimes, seejanina Hera, Edward Krasiński, Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert, Tomasz Strzembosz, andJacekTrznadel, “Kolaboracja-bojkot-weryfikacja: Dyskusja redakcyjna,“ Pamiętnik Teatralny 46, nos. 1-4 (1997): 4-35, esp. 5, 9-10, 31; see also Friedrich, “'Fall Józef Mackiewicz.'”.

30 See Engelking, Barbara, “Szanowny panie gislapo”: Donosy do xdadz niemieckich w Warszawie i okolicach w latach 1940-1941 (Warsaw, 2003).Google Scholar

31 Lemberg, Hans, “Kollaboration in Europa mit dem Dritten Reich ura dasjahr 1941,” in Bachstein, Martin K. and Bosl, Karl, eds., Dasjahr 1941 in der europäschen Politik (Munich, 1972), 143–62, esp. 154.Google Scholar

32 Broszat, Martin, “Faschismus und Kollaboration in Ostmitteleuropa zwischen den Weltkriegen,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 14, no. 3 (1966): 250.Google Scholar

33 See Friedrich, “Publizistische Kollaboration im sog. Generalgouvernement,” 70-75; Friedrich, , “Die deutsche polnischsprachige Presse im Generalgouvernement (1939-1945): NS-Propaganda für die polnische Bevölkerung,” Publizistik 46, no. 2 (2001): 162–88, esp. 180-81;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Malcużyński, “Niemiecka propaganda,” 37-38. As regards the vast anti-Soviet cum anti-Semitic propaganda campaign linked to the effort to enlist active Polish collaboration in the last year of the war, see also Friedrich, “Über den Widerstandsmythos,“ 50-52.

34 Dobroszycki, Lucjan and Getter, Marek, “The Gestapo and the Polish Resistance Movement,” Acta Poloniae Historica 4 (1961): 85–118, esp. 105;Google Scholar see also Borodziej, Wlodzimierz, Terror und Politik: Die deutsche Polizei und die polnische Widerslandsbeioegungim Generalgouvernement 1939-1944 (Mainz, 1999);Google Scholar Polish edition: Terroripolityka: Policja niemiecka a polski ruch oporu xu GG 1939-1944 (Warsaw, 1985).

35 Quoted in Szereszewska, Helena, Krzyż i mezuza (Warsaw, 1993), 394;Google Scholar English edition: Memoirs from Occupied Warsaiv 1940-1945 (London, 1997). Shortly after the war, Michat Borwicz hinted at the fact that the readiness and wish to believe in misdeeds and murder plans of “the Jews” was part of a Polish cultural code at that time. Even after the Holocaust had raged next to them, susceptible Poles were afraid of the mythically raised power of “the Jews.” Borwicz, Michat M., Organizowanie wściektości (Warsaw, 1947), 33, 45, 49.Google Scholar

36 See Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Polen und seine Feinde (sowie deren Kollaborateure): Vorwürfe wegen ‘polnischer Kollaboration’ und ‘jüdischer Kollaboration’ in der polnischen Presse (1942-1944/45),” in Tauber, Joachim, ed., “Kollaboration” in Nordosteuropa in der ersten Häljte des 20. Jahrhunderts: Erscheinungsformen - Reieption - Geschichtspolitik (Wiesbaden, 2006).Google Scholar

37 “Wolność,” Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 3 (317), 19January 1945.

38 “Niemcy a Polska,” Kulturajutra, no. 10, October 1943.

39 “Czujność—cnota demokracji,” Robotnik, no. 79 (109), 3 April 1945.

40 Kroll, Bogdan, Opieka i samopomoc spoleczna w Warszaiuie 1939-1945 (Warsaw, 1977).Google Scholar Kroll, Bogdan, Rada Gtówna Opiekuńcza, 1939-1945 (Warsaw, 1985).Google Scholar In contemporary German documents, RGO is called “Polnischer Hauptausschuß” or “Haupthilfeausschuß“— in September 1944 semantically enhanced to the status of a “Polnischer Nationalausschuß. “.

41 For a closer look at collaborationist aspects of RGO's activities, see Friedrich, “Zusammenarbeit und Mittäterschaft,” 126-30.

42 Mᖴcislaw Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana (Baudienst) xu Generalnym Gubernatorstwie, 1940-1945 (Warsaw, 1984).

43 The northeast along with the Warsaw district and parts of the Lublin and Radom districts were excluded. See Krzysztof Dunin-Wąsowicz, “Przedmowa,” in Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 7; and the map entitled “Übersichtskarte der territorialen Gliederung,“ in the same volume, 48. According to an announcement in the Home Army organ Biuletyn Informacyjny, Baudienst service was extended to the Warsaw district in 1944. Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 4 (211), 27January 1944.

44 Czeslaw Madajczyk, Polityka III Rzeszy w okupoxuanej Polsce, 2 vols. (Warsaw, 1970), 1:345, 651. See also Hinkel, [Heinrich], “Der Baudienst,” in Prel, Max Freiherr du, ed., Das Generalgouvernement (Würzburg, 1942), 69–74.Google Scholar

45 Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 13, 40, 44; pages 41-43 include a more precise breakdown of the data.

46 Ibid., 9-10, 30-31.

47 Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 23 (230), 8 June 1944.

48 Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 11, 13, 45.

49 Madajczyk, Polityka III Rzeszy, 2:151. At the same time, school education for Poles was in general restricted to the primary school level; see Harten, Hans-Christian, De- Kulluration und Cermanisierung: Die nalionalsozialistische Rassen- und Erziehungspolitik in Polen 1939-1945 (Frankfürt, 1996);Google Scholar and Hansen, Georg, ed., Schulpolitik als Volkstumspolilik: Quellen zur Schulpolilik der Besatzer in Polen 1939–1945 (Münster, 1994).Google Scholar

50 Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 60, 13.

51 Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 4 (211), 27January 1944 (emphasis in the original).

52 See the news organ of the representation of the London-based Polish government in the country (Delegatura Rządu na Kraj), Kraj, no. 15, 2 December 1943, mentioning the misuse of firemen in Siedlce; see also Ringelblum, Emanuel, Wasser, Hersz, and Gutkowski, Eliahu, “Die Hölle der polnischen Juden unter der Hider-Okkupation: Rapport von Oneg Szabat,” in Sakowska, Ruta, Die zxueite Etappe ist der Tod: NS-Ausrottungspolitik gegen diepolnischenjuden, gesehen mit den Augen der Opfer; Ein historischer Essay und ausgewählle Dokumente cms clem Ringelblum-Archiv 1941-1943 (Berlin, 1993), 217;Google Scholar Polish edition: Dwa etapy: Hitleroioska polilyka eksterminacji Żydóxu w oczach ofiar (Wroclaw, 1986); and, as regards Organisation Todt, an anonymous report on the murder of the Jews in the GG sent to the Breslau archbishop cardinal Adolf Bertram, published in Akten derdeutschen Bischöfe überdie Lage derKirche 1933-1945, vol. 6 (Mainz, 1985), 210-15.

53 Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 9, 4 March 1943.

54 Browning, Christopher R., “Beyond Warsaw and Lódz: Perpetrating the Holocaust in Poland,” in Pacy, James S. and Wertheimer, Alan P., eds., Perspectives on the Holocaust: Essays in Honor of Raul Hilberg (Boulder, 1995), 81.Google Scholar

55 Sandauer, Artur, Bytem (Warsaw 1991), 71.Google Scholar

56 Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 158-60. According to Leon Najberg's report, in April 1943junacy participated in the destruction of the quarter of Warsaw where Jews had previously been forced to move. Najberg, Leon, Ostatni powstańcy getta (Warsaw 1993), 44.Google Scholar

57 Wróblewski, Stużba budowlana, 158-59.

58 In his memoirs, Ludwik Hirszfeld tells us that he had heard about a junak who had “gotten a bullet into his head because he did not want to go along with that.” Ludwik Hirszfeld, Historia jednego życia, 2d ed. (Warsaw, 1957), 349-50. English edition: Hanna Hirszfeldowa, ed., The History of One Life (Fort Knox, Kentucky, n.d.). See also Wróblewski, Slużba budowlana, 161.

59 Dariusz Libionka, “Die Kirche in Polen und der Mord an den Juden im Licht der polnischen Publizistik und Historiographie nach 1945,” Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung51, no. 2 (2002): 207; see also Stopniak, Franciszek, “Katolickie duchowieństwo w Polsce i Żydzi w okresie niemieckiej okupacji,” in Dunin-Wąsowicz, Krzysztof, ed., Spoteczeństzuo polskie wobec martyrologii i lualki Żydow w latach II wojny światowej (Warsaw, 1996), 19–42.Google Scholar

60 Hirszfeld, Historia jednego życia, 349.

61 Hempel, Adam, Pogrobowcy klęski: Rzecz opolicji “granatowej” w Ceneralnym Gubernatorstwie, 1939-1945 (Warsaw, 1990).Google Scholar Hempel actually finished his thesis in 1983, but publication was postponed until after the abolition of state censorship.

62 Compare with the number of green uniformed German Ordnungspolizei in the GG, which consisted, including the Schutzpolizei in bigger cities and the Gendarmerie in the countryside, of twelve to fifteen thousand men; besides there were two thousand functionaries of the German Sicherheitspolizei, supported by three thousand Poles. Browning, “Beyond Warsaw and Lódz,” 80.

63 The Kierownictwo Walki Cywilnej (Department of Civilian Struggle), part of the so-called underground state, was founded in December 1942 and headed by Stefan Korboński.

64 Lukas, Richard, The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles under German Occupation 1939-1944 (Lexington, 1986), 118.Google Scholar

65 Arcylojalni urzednicy (brochure of 1942), quoted in Szarota, Tomasz, Okupoxoanej Warszawy dzień powszedni: Studium historyczne (Warsaw, 1973);Google Scholar see also the shortened German translation: Warschau unler dem Hakenkreuz: Leben und Alltag im besetzten Warschau 1.10.1939 bis 31.7.1944 (Paderborn, 1985), 515.

66 Steinhaus, Hugo, Wspomnienia i zapiski, ed. Zgorzelska, Aleksandra (London, 1992), 242, 257.Google Scholar

67 On the similar role of the Schutzmannschaften recruited out of the local Ukrainian, Belarusan, and Polish population in the Polish territories annexed by the Soviet Union in 1939 and then occupied by the Wehrmacht in 1941, see Dean, Martin, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941-1944 (New York, 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

68 Getter, Marek, “Policja granatowa w Warszawie 1939-1944,” in Studia Warszawskie, vol. 10, Warszawa lat wojny i okupacji, 1939-1944, no. 2 (Warsaw, 1972), 213–37.Google Scholar

69 Kermish, Joseph, ed., To Live with Honor and Die with Honor: Selected Documents from the Warsazu Ghetto Underground Archives “O. S.” (OnegShabbath) (Jerusalem, 1986), 147.Google Scholar

70 Hempel, Pogrobowcy klęski, 168-69.

71 Browning, “Beyond Warsaw and Lódz,” 87, 82. In local studies, the participation of Polish compatriots was passed over in silence. Cf. Jan Pietrzykowski, Hitlerowcy w Częstochwie w latach 1939-1945 (Poznań, 1959), 166-96. The author dates a “Probe-Selektion“ to the beginning of July and the brutal deportations from the Jewish quarter by German police and their—allegedly exclusively—Ukrainian and Latvian auxiliaries to the period from 22 September to 6 October 1942.

72 Krakowski, Shmuel, “Polnische Polizei,” in Gutman, Israel, ed., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, 4 vols. (New York, 1990), 3:1179.Google Scholar For a similar assessment on the part of a Polish historian, cf. Czeslaw Madajczyk,Faszyzm i okupacje, 1938-1945: Wykonanie okupacjiprzez pańslwa Osi w Europie, 2 vols. (Warsaw, 1983-1984), 2:365.

73 Steinhaus, Wspomnienia, 246. Hugo Steinhaus, formerly a professor of mathematics at Lwów university, was persecuted in 1941 by the Nazi occupying regime as ajew but went into hiding.

74 Skaradziński, Bohdan, “W czasach wojny na prowincji,” WięŻ, 21 no. 1 (1978): 87–100;Google Scholar no. 2:97. Historian Marian M. Drozdowski sums up: “The dark blue police, part of whose functionaries were in touch with the Home Army, in many cases behaved shamefully towards Jews by actively participating in their liquidation.” Drozdowski, Marian M., “Refleksje o stosunkach polsko-Żydowskich w czasie drugiej wojny światowej,” Kwartalnik Historyczny 97, nos. 3 - 4 (1990): 182.Google Scholar

75 Rzeczpospolita, no. 16, 18 August 1944.

76 Cf. Rzeczpospolita, no. 191, 18 July 1945.

77 The Lithuanian and Ukrainian ethnic minorities, whose involvement in the Nazi murder of the Jews was conscientiously followed by the Polish underground, cannot be discussed at this point. See Klaus-Peter Friedrich, “Spontane ‘Volkspogrome’ oder Auswüchse der NS-Vernichtungspolitik? Zur Kontroverse urn die Radikalisierung der antijüdischen Gewalt im Sommer 1941,” Kwartalnik Historii Żydów /Jewish History Quarterly, 2004, no. 212:587-611, esp. 602-4.

78 No single history exists of the ethnic Germans in east central Europe. This would be a methodologically difficult enterprise since it would necessitate as a prerequisite disentangling the web of often false or fictitious ethnic classifications.

79 Bergen, Doris L., “The Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche’ and the Exacerbation of Antisemitism in Eastern Europe, 1939-1945,” Journal of Contemporary History 29, no. 4 (1994): 569–82, esp. 575-78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

80 See, for the GG, Adamska, Jolanta, “Organizacja Selbstschutz w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie,” in Pilichowski, Czeslaw, ed., Zbrodnie i sprawcy: Ludobójstiuo hitlerowskie przed sadem ludzkości i historii (Warsaw, 1980), 504–18;Google Scholar for the territories annexed by the Reich: Jansen, Christian and Weckbecker, Arno, Der “Volksdeutsche Selbstschutz” in Polen 1939/40 (Munich, 1992);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Krajewski, Miroslaw, “Eksterminacja ludności Żydowskiej ziemi dobrzyńskiej w latach drugiej wojny światowej (1939-1945),” Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego, 1987, no. 141:55–70;Google Scholar Witkowski, Antoni, Mordercy z Selbstschutzu (Warsaw, 1986);Google Scholar Sziling, Jan, “Ziemia dobrzyriska w latach okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945),” in Wojciechowski, Mieczyslaw, ed., Studia z dziejów ziemi dobrzyńskiejXV-XXioiek (Warsaw, 1987), 157–207, esp. 163-69.Google Scholar

81 Antoni Szymanowski, “Generalgouvernement—uwagi o niemieckiej polityce okupacyjnej,” Straznica Zachodnia, 1946, nos. 1-2:19-29.

82 Maßfeller, Franz, ed., Deutsches Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht von 1870 bis zur Gegenxuart, 2d ed. (Frankfürt, 1955), 244–52;Google Scholar Becker, Erich, “Die Deutsche Volksliste als Mittel zur Festigung des deutschen Volkstums in den eingegliederten Ostgebieten,” Zeitschriftfür Völkerrecht 26, no. 1 (1942): 35–58;Google Scholar Harten, De-Kulturation und Germanisierung, 99-105.

83 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 321. Harten states that in the GG by August 1943 about one hundred thousand people had asked for their recognition as “Poles of German descent” (Deutschstämmige); sixty-nine thousand were accepted into the Deutsche Volksliste. Harten, De-Kulturation und Germanisierung, 108.

84 Marek Getter, “Środowisko niemieckie w Warszawie w latach 1939-1944,” in Studio. Warszawskie, vol. 17, Warszawa lat wojny i okupacji, 1939-1944, no. 3 (Warsaw, 1973): 223-39, esp. 236; Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 323.

85 Szarota, Okupowanej Warszawy dzień powszedni, 448-52; Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 336.

86 See Bergen, “Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche,'” 571, where the author exemplifies this by the handling of a group of people, “discovered” by Einsatzgruppe B near Smolensk, who had lost their former Germanness due to mixed marriages and assimilation to the surrounding population.

87 Cf. Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 304, who is of the opinion that the Germans had totally refrained from this policy. Thus, he dismisses the fact that the Nazi regime, by recognizing those who proclaimed adherence to Germanness as Germans, reduced ad absurdum the official ideological and racist conceptions.

88 Harten, De-Kulluration und Germanisierung, 107; Broszat, Martin, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 1939-1945 (Stuttgart, 1961), 133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

89 Heilbrunn, Stefania and Chaszczewack, Miriam, Children of Dust and Heaven: A Collective Memoir (Cape Town, 1978), 71;Google Scholar quoted in: Bergen, “Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche,'“ 574.

90 Bergen, “Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche,'” 572.

91 Ibid., 574.

92 Dobroszycki and Getter, “Gestapo and the Polish Resistance Movement,” 103.

93 Ringelblum, “Hölle der polnischen Juden,” 204–5. Further examples: Bergen, “Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche,'” 569–70.

94 Ringelblum, “Hölle der polnischen Juden,” 204.

95 Browning, “Beyond Warsaw and Lódz,” 80. See also Black, Peter R., “Rehearsal for ‘Reinhard? Odilo Globocnik and the Lublin Selbstschutz,” Central European History 25, no. 2 (1992): 204–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

96 Eichenbaum, Ray, Romeks Odyssee: Jugend im Holocaust (Vienna, 1996), 21.Google Scholar

97 Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation, 140.

98 A Posen expert in international law did not find them even worthy for the lower status of “Schutzangehörige,” to which the Poles in the annexed territories belonged. Becker, “Deutsche Volksliste,” 53.

99 Madajczyk, Czeslaw, “'Teufelswerk': Die nationalsozialistische Besatzungspolitik in Polen,” in Rommerskirchen, Eva, ed., Deutsche und Polen 1945-1995: Annäherungen-Zblizenia (Düsseldorf, 1996), 24–39, esp. 33.Google Scholar

100 See Borodziej, Wlodzimierz and Lemberg, Hans, eds., “Unsere Heimat ist uns ein fremdes Land geworden …“: Die Deutschen östlich von Oder und Neiβe 1945-1950; Dokumente aus polnischen Archiven, 4 vols. (Marburg, 2000–2004), passim.Google Scholar

101 The relevant sources in the archives of the Warsaw Jewish Historical Institute and the documents in Yad Vashem, or even the reports in the memorial books of the destroyed Jewish communities in Poland, have hitherto not been sufficiendy analyzed along this line of inquiry.

102 Gerrits, André, “Antisemitism and Anti-Communism: The Myth of ‘Judeo- Communism’ in Eastern Europe,” East European Jewish Affairs 25, no.1 (1995): 54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

103 Thus reads the main title of a book by Mich, Wlodzimierz, Obey IU polskim domu: Nacjonalislyane koncepeje rozwiązania problemu mniejszości narodowych, 1918-1939 (Lublin, 1994).Google Scholar

104 See the more extensive discussion by Lars Jockheck, “Nationalsozialistische Pressepropaganda für Deutsche und Polen im Generalgouvernement 1939-1945” (PhD diss., Universität der Bundeswehr, 2004).

105 Dobroszycki, Lucjan, “The Jews in the Polish Clandestine Press, 1939-1945,” in Paluch, Andrzej K., ed., The Jews in Poland (Kraków, 1992), 296.Google Scholar

106 Zawadzki, Waclaw, “Rewizja mitu (Rzecz o quislingizmie polskim),” Przeglad Socjalistyany 1, no. 2 (1 December 1945): 30, 34.Google Scholar

107 Szaniec, 15 April 1942; quoted in Zawadzki, “Rewizja mitu,” 31. The radically right-wing Szaniec was one of the most popular newspapers of the underground press.

108 Zawadzki, “Rewizja mitu,” 34.

109 Cyrankiewicz, Józef, “Oświecim walczący,” Naprzod, no. 18, 24 June 1945.Google Scholar

110 Kossak, Zofia, Z otchlani: Wspomnienia z lagru (Częstochowa, 1946).Google Scholar On the controversy in the Polish press about Kossak's memoirs, see Friedrich, “Nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen,” 597, 599-600; Friedrich, “Zweigeteilte Erinnerung,“ 96-98.

111 “Alicja w krainie czarów,” Pokolenie, January 1947. See also Pawel Jasienica, “Warto pogadac,” Tygodnik Powszechny, no. 9 (102), 2 March 1947, 4; Pannenkowa, Irena, “Prawda o pobycie Kossak-Szczuckiej w Oświecimiu,” Tygodnik Warszazuski, no. 1, 4 January 1948, 5;Google Scholar and, on Borowski's view of the inmates’ cooperation with the camp authorities, Borowski, Tadeusz, This Way to the Gas, Ladies and Gentlemen (New York, 1976).Google Scholar

112 Trybuna Wolności, no. 50, 20 February 1944. As to the activities of extortionists (szmalcownicy) who tracked down Jews living in hiding, scholars have recently analyzed important source material. See Anita Sosnowska, “Tak zwani szmalcownicy na przykladzie Warszawy i okolic (1940-1944),” Kwartalnik Historii Żydotu /Jewish History Quarterly, 2004, no. 211:359-74; Grabowski, Jan, “Szmalcownicy warszawscy, 1939-1942,” Zeszyty Historyane, 2003, no. 143, 85–117.Google Scholar

113 Friedrich, “Kollaboration und Antisemitismus,” 833-34.

114 See Friedrich, “Nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen,” 232- 76; and Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, “Polnische ‘Kollaboration’ und jüdische ‘Kollaboration': Zu Einstellungen der polnischen Untergrundpresse 1942-1944/45,” Kwartalnik Historii Żydów /Jewish History Quarterly, 2004, no. 210:182–96.Google Scholar

115 Sz., “Sprawa bardzo wazna,” Barykada, no. 3, March 1943.

116 Friedrich, “Polen und seine Feinde.”.

117 See Friedrich, “Nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen“; Gross, Jan Tomasz, Upiorna dekada: Trzy eseje o stereotypach na temat Żydów, Polakóu, Niemców i komunistów, 1939-1948 (Kraków, 1998);Google Scholar Szapiro, Pawet, “Prasa konspiracyjnajako żródto do dziejow polsko-żydowskich w latach II wojny światowej—uwagi, pytania, propozycje badawcze,” Biuletyn ŻydowskiegoInslytutu Historycznego, 1988, nos. 147–148:197–210.Google Scholar

118 Mackiewicz, Józef, Sieg derProvokation: Die Phasen derEntwicklung des Kommunismus in Rujiland imd Polen und die Frage der deutsch-polnischen Beriehungen (Munich, 1964), 144.Google Scholar

119 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 341.

120 Wyka recorded his keen analysis of society in the GG towards die end of the war near Kraków. Wyka, Kazimierz, Życie na niby: Pamiętnik po klęsce, 2d ed. (Kraków, 1984), 157.Google Scholar Wyka's critical observations of behavior patterns in the Polish population were later ignored by specialists in contemporary history.

121 Borwicz, Organizowanie wścieklości, 30.

122 Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust, 127.

123 “Wartości moralne—fundamentem przysztości,” Agencja Prasowa, no. 43, 28 October 1942; quoted in Pawel Szapiro, epilogue to Calel Perechodnik, Czy jajestem mordercą? ed. Pawel Szapiro (Warsaw, 1993), 246.

124 Klukowski, Zygmunt, Dziennik z lat okupacji Zamojszczyzny, 1939-1944 (Lublin, 1958), 255;Google Scholar see also the shortened English edition: Diaries from the Years of Occupation, 1939- 44, ed. Andrew Klukowski and Helen Klukowski May (Urbana, 1993); Gross, Jan Tomasz, “War as Revolution,” in Naimark, Norman and Gibianskii, Leonid, eds., The Establishment of Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 1944-1949 (Boulder, Colo., 1997), 26–30.Google Scholar

125 See the small ads in the official Polish language newspapers; see also Cytowska, Ewa, Szkicez dziejów prasy pod okupacja niemiecka (1939-1945) (Warsaw, 1986), 117–18.Google Scholar

126 Wyka, Życie na niby, 152.

127 Ibid., 155, 157.

128 Cf. Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, “75 lat XX wieku: Pamiętnik mówiony,” part 6, Więlż 40, no. 7 (July 1997): 111-21, esp. 116.

129 “Proroctwą sie wypelniaja,” Prawda, no. 5, May 1942.

130 Cf. Chersztein, M[oses], Geopfertes Volk: Der Untergang des polnischen Judentums (Stuttgart, 1946), 33.Google Scholar After his flight from the Wilno “ghetto” the author called himself Mieczyslaw Cherszteiński (ibid., 26). The Karaites are a small religious community split off from the main stream of Judaism. They were exempted from the Nazi occupying regime's aim to murder all the Jews.

131 See for example Appleman-Jurman, Alicia A., Alicia: My Story (New York, 1988)Google Scholar, passim; Hyatt, Felicia B., Close Calls: Memoirs of a Survivor (Washington, D.C., 1991), 226;Google Scholar Kubar, Zofia S., Double Identity: A Memoir (New York, 1989), 166–67;Google Scholar report of Noemi Szac-Wajnkranc in Mika, Viktor, Im Feuer vergangen: Tagebücherausdem Ghetto (Berlin, 1958), 491– 92;Google Scholar Zylberberg, Michael, A WarsaioDiary, 1939-1945 (London, 1969), 201–2.Google Scholar

132 Among them, in the Kielce diocese of Bishop Czeslaw Kaczmarek, the Kielecki Przeąlgd Diecezjalny (from 1939 to January 1943) and, in the Sandomierz diocese of bishop Jan Lorek, the KronikaDiecezji Sandomierskiej. See Paulewicz, Marian, “Diecezja kielecka,” in Zieliński, Zygmunt, ed., Życie religijne w Polsce pod okupacja hilleroxvską 1939-1945 (Warsaw, 1982 [1983]), 234–52, esp. 242-43.Google Scholar

133 Zieliński, Zygmunt, “Das religiöse Leben im besetzten Polen 1939-1945: Ergebnisse eines Lubliner Symposions von 1979,” Zeitschriftfür Oslforschung, 31 no. 1 (1982): 5 9 - 75, esp. 71.Google Scholar

134 Curzio Malaparte [pseudonym of the Italian writer and journalist Kurt Erich Suckert], Kaputt (Karlsruhe, 1951), 248-49; see also Osmańczyk, Edmund, “Katolicyzm Hansa Franka,” Tygodnik Powszechny, no. 5 (46), 3 February 1946.Google Scholar

135 Malaparte, Kaputt, 249-57.

136 Król, Eugeniusz C., “Sprawa podreczników szkolnych i pomocy naukowych w jawnym szkolnictwie polskim w Generalnej Guberni w latach okupacji hitlerowskiej,“ Przeąlad Historyczno-Ośrviatoiuy, 1977, no. 4:395nll.Google Scholar

137 Since the diocesan archives have for a long time remained closed to researchers, this view, to the present day, cannot be considered to have been intensively proven. Some Catholic works actually tell us more about the time of their origin than about their object of research; and because of their biased statements on scant and/or shaky source material, their worth is rather to be established in terms of propaganda. See Libionka's criticism of Dzieio mitosierdzia chrześcijańskiego: Polskie duchowieństwo a Żydzi 10 latach okupacji hitlerowskiej (Warsaw, 1969): Libionka, “Kirche in Polen,” 195-96. There are similar tendencies in, for example, Andrzej Zapart, “Diecezja sandomierska,” in Zieliński, Życie religijne w Polsce, 440-48, esp. 444.

138 Luczak, Czestaw, Polityka ludnościowa i ekonomiczna hillerowskich Niemiec w okupowanej Polsce (Poznań, 1979), 344.Google Scholar

139 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 346.

140 Chodakiewicz, Marek Jan, Żydzi i Polacy 1918-1955: Wspótistnienie-zagtadakomunizm (Warsaw, 2000), 192.Google Scholar

141 Zieliński, “Religiöse Leben im besetzten Polen,” 65. The author establishes this magnitude on the basis of contributions to a scientific conference held in November 1979 in Lublin. See also the author's introduction to the published results: “Religia w narodowosocjalistycznej koncepcji spoleczeristwa,” in Zieliński, Życie religijne w Polsce, 11-37, esp. 31.

142 On 19 September 1939, the writer Zofia Nalkowska was outraged and noted in her diary “the most malicious hostile propaganda could not invent anything worse: Cardinal Hlond prays in Rome for Poland.” Nalkowska, Zofia, Dzienniki 1939-1944, ed. Kirchner, Hanna (Warsaw, 1996), 75.Google Scholar

143 Gorzkowski, Kazimierz, Kroniki Andrzeja: Zapiski z podziemia 1939-1941, ed. Szarota, Tomasz (Warsaw, 1989), 123 (January 1941).Google Scholar

144 Quoted in Dobroszycki, Lucjan, Die legale polnische Presse im Generalgouvernemenl, 1939-1945 (Munich, 1977), 82;Google Scholar see also the English edition: Reptile Journalism: The Official Polish-language Press under the Nazis, 1939-1945 (New Haven, 1994).

145 “To nie jest w porzadku,” Przez walk? do zwycieslwa, no. 27, 10 November 1942.

146 Quoted in Dobroszycki, Legalepolnische Presse im Generalgouvernement, 81.

147 Ibid., 82. In 1953, as part of a Stalinist campaign against the Catholic Church, Kaczmarek was selected for a show trial and had to answer charges of collaboration owing to his pastorals of 1939-40 as well as his subsequent cooperation with the right-wing resistance group NSZ. Stępień, Jerzy, “Biskup Kaczmarek przed stalinowskimi sedziami,” in Kaczanowski, Longin, Massalski, Adam, Olszewski, Daniel, and Szczepański, Jerzy, eds., Pamiętnik świętokrzyski: Studia z dziejów kultury chrześcijańskiej (Kielce, 1991), 304–28, esp. 316-17.Google Scholar On the other hand, no Polish bishop during the war had gone so far as to announce a crusade against Bolshevism as French Cardinal Beaudrillard had done. Lemberg, “Kollaboration in Europa,” 161.

148 See his pastoral of 2 April 1940: “As your shepherd and spiritual father of all members of the diocese, I fervently appeal to you to keep in this situation great calmness and interior balance. Do not listen to rumors and keep away from rash deeds that must expose our country to an even greater misery and must bring an even greater disaster to our tormented people.” Quoted in Dobroszycki, Legale polnische Presse im Generalgouvernement, 82.

149 Gorzkowski, Kroniki Andrzeja, 123 (January 1941); Madajczyk, Polityka IIIRzeszy, 2:194. Cf. the uncritical sketch of Paulewicz, “Diecezja kielecka,” who stresses the pressure on Kaczmarek on the part of the Nazi security police whilst completely ignoring the aforementioned pastorals.

150 Cf. the apologetic portrayal by Bishop Muszyński, Henryk, “Kardynal August Hlond (1926-1948) wobec Żydów,” Collectanea Theologica 61, no. 3 (1991): 81–87.Google Scholar

151 Szarota, U progu Zagtady, 77, referring to Ringelblum's, Emanuel Kronika getta warszaxuskiego: Wrzesień 1939-styczeń 1943 (Warsaw, 1983).Google Scholar

152 Libionka, Dariusz, “Duchowieństwo diecezji lomzyńskiej wobec antysemityzmu i zagtady Żydów,” in Machcewicz, Pawel and Persak, Krzysztof, eds., Wokót Jedwabnego, vol. 1, Studio. (Warsaw, 2002), 105–28, esp. 108.Google Scholar

153 Marek Wierzbicki, “Stosunki polsko-żydowskie na Zachodniej Bialorusi w latach 1939-1941,” in Machcewicz and Persak, Wokót Jedwabnego, 154.

154 “Sprawozdanie kościelne z Polski za czerwiec i polowe lipca 1941” (Archiwum Studium Polski Podziemnej w Londynie); quoted in Tych, Feliks, “Polish Society's Attitudes toward the Holocaust,” in Kosmala, Beate and Tych, Feliks, eds., Facing the Nazi Genocide: Non-Jews and Jews in Europe (Berlin, 2004), 94–95.Google Scholar

155 “Pregierz: Nie wolno przemilczać,” Prawda, no. 7, 1942. See also Bartoszewski, “751 at XX wiek.il,” 116.

156 These Polish priests resisted the unlawful Nazi regime by christening Jews, equipping them with false birth certificates, or even hiding them. Libionka, “Duchowienstwo diecezji lomżyńskiej“; Stopniak, “Katolickie duchowienstwo“; Salsitz, Norman, A Jewish Boyhood in Poland: Remembering Kolbuszowa (Syracuse, 1992), 293–95.Google Scholar

157 Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust, 112. As regards Trzeciak and Charszewski, see my review essay on research literature dealing with forms of anti-Semitism in Poland in the 1930s in Aschkenas 7, no. 2 (1997): 557, 561.

158 See Cala, Alina, “Wizerunek Żyda w polskiej kulturze ludowej,” in Grzeskowiak-Puczyk, Ewa, ed., Polska, Polacy, mniejszosci narodowe (Wroclaw, 1992), 215–23.Google Scholar

159 For the backdrop of Catholic anti-Semitism see Pollmann, Viktoria, Unlermieterim chrisllichen Haus: Die Kirche und die “jüdische Frage” in Polen anhand der Bistumspresse der Metropolis Krakau 1926-1939 (Wiesbaden, 2001);Google Scholar Caumanns, Ute and Niendorf, Matthias, “Von Kolbe bis Kielce: Ein Heiliger, seine Presse und die Geschichte eines Pogroms,” in Bomelburg, Hans-Jurgen and Eschment, Beate, “DerFremde im Dorf“: Uberlegungen zum Eigenen und zumFremden in der Geschichte (Lüneburg, 1998), 169–94.Google Scholar

160 Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust, 115.

161 Among them Anton Krawczyk sive Kraft. See Habielski, Rafal, ed., “Radiostacja 'Wanda': Relacja Wladyslawa Kaweckiego,” Dzieje Najnowsze 21, no. 1 (1989): 167–225;Google Scholar and “Zdrajcy z niemieckiej radiostacji ‘Wanda,'” Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żolnierza, no. 115, 17 May 1945. See also “Niemiecka propaganda przeciwbolszewicka,” Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 10 (217), 9 March 1944, informing about a public meeting in the cinema Apollo in Lublin in which a certain priest Rusek participated with a long lecture.

162 Leon Chajn, Kiedy Lublin byl Warszawa (Warsaw, 1964), 135.

163 See “Kiedy ‘Gazeta Ludowa’ dba o takt… ,” an attack on Bishop Lorek in Gtos Ludu, no. 136, 18 May 1946.

164 “Ks. dr J. Kruszyński: Zbrodnia … Poczatek rzadów niemieckich w Lublinie,“ Rzeczpospolita, no. 105, 18 November 1944.

165 “Niewybaczalna uleglość,” Biuletyn Informacyjny, no. 13 (168), 1 April 1943. Kruszyński's contribution had been headed “Stanowisko duchowieństwa wobec komunizmu. “ The Home Army's most influential newspaper actually had no objections to Kruszyński's reasoning—only to where it was published: “One can and has to fight communism. But not hand in hand with the Germans, our deadly enemy no. 1.” Emphasis in the original.

166 One has to bear in mind diat resistance in big cities could take advantage of the anonymity of urban life, whereas the rural population was subject to more rigid social controls.

167 The bulk of the so-called Fremdarbeiter, who were later on recruited by force and displaced against their will in order to serve as cheap labor force in the Reich, worked for the Germans only under compulsion. By July 1940, 312,000 Polish workers were transported from the GG to the Reich; in 1941 the number amounted to 200,000. The first ordinance explicitly arranging a compulsory deportation of Poles able to work into Reich territory appeared in the GG no earlier than May 1942. Broszat, NationalsozialistischePolenpolitik, 103, 106. Towards the end of the war, more than 10 percent of the GG's population had been carried off to the Reich. Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 334. See also Józef Kasperek, “Niektóre aspekty werbunku na przymusowe roboty do III Rzeszy z dystryktu lubelskiego,” in Pilichowski, Zbrodnie i sprawcy, 419-34.

168 Friedrich, “Zusammenarbeit und Mittäterschaft,” 122-26; Przybysz, Kazimierz, Chlopi polscy wobec okupacji hitleroivskiej 1939-1945: Zachowania i poslawy polityczne na terenach Generalnego Gubernatorstwa (Warsaw, 1983), 63–64.Google Scholar

169 Gross, Neighbors, 244w3 in the chapter entitled “Collaboration.”.

170 Wyka, Życie na niby, 166.

171 Dhigoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 343.

172 Ferdynand Goetel, Czasy Wqjny (London, 1955), 66.

173 See Rajca, Czeslaw, Walka o chleb, 1939-1944: Eksploatacja rolnictwa w Generalnym Gubernatorstiuie (Lublin, 1991), 109, 201;Google Scholar Przybysz, Chlopi polscy, 51, 60; Meducki, Stanislaw, Wieś kielecka w czasie okupacji niemieckiej (1939-1945): Studium historyczno-gospodarcze (Kielce, 1991), 334.Google Scholar

174 Rajca, WaUta o chleb, 211.

175 Ibid., 209.

176 See Cytovvska, Szkice z dziejów prasy, 104. See also Cytowska, Ewa, “Informacje o życiu i sytuacji spoleczeństwa polskiego w prasie gadzinowej (1939-1944),” in Adamczyk, Mieczyslaw and Jarowiecki, Jerzy, eds., Potska prasa konspiracyjna lat 1939-1945 i początki prasy to Polsce Ludowej (Kraków, 1979), 189–93, esp. 191.Google Scholar

177 Przybysz, Chlofn polscy, 54.

178 Wyka, Życie na niby, 161.

179 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 352. Szarota, too, mentions that the population in the towns had to cope with much harsher living conditions. Szarota, Tomasz, “Polen unter deutscher Besatzung, 1939-1941: Vergleichende Betrachtungen,” in Wegner, Bernd, ed., Zjwei Wege nach Moskau: Vom Hitler-Stalin-Pakt bis zum “Unternehmen Barbarossa “ (Munich, 1991), 40–55, esp. 50.Google Scholar

180 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 305.

181 Ibid., 352.

182 Ibid., 320.

183 Przybysz states that there occurred “765 large-scale terrorist and repressive operations (in each of them at least ten persons were murdered),” which took the lives of 19,792 people. Przybysz, Chlopi polscy, 71. See also Marszatek, Jozef, “Bilanse II wojny światowej,” in Mankowski, Zygmunt, ed., Druga wojna światowa: Osady, bilanse, rejleksje (Lublin, 1996), 55–69, esp. 64.Google Scholar Compare to this the desolate situation in Warsaw where— before the 1944 uprising—thirty thousand inhabitants had become victims of executions; whereas in the beginning of 1942 there were more than 1.4 million inhabitants, after the destruction of thejewish quarter and the systematic destructive acdon during and after the Jewish and the Polish uprising, there were, in January 1945, only 162,000 left. Krajewska, Barbara, “Ludność Warszawy w latach 1939-1945,” in Studia Warszawskie, vol. 17, Warszawa lat wojny i okupacji, 1939-1944, no. 3 (Warsaw, 1973), 185–207, esp. 199, 207.Google Scholar

184 Meducki, Wieś kielecka w czasie okupacji niemieckiej, 335.

185 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolidk,” 324, 346. See also Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation, 143-44.

186 Szczepańczyk, Czeslaw, Polityka okupanta wobec spózielczości wiejskiej w Generalnej Guberni: 1939-1944 (Warsaw, 1978), 259.Google Scholar

187 Nowy Glos Lubelski, July 1943; quoted in Cytowska, Szkice z dziejów prasy, 101.

188 Wyka considers the factory workers, too, as an unreliable element in Polish society. Wyka, Życie na niby, 131.

189 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolidk,” 360. See also Friedrich, “Zusammenarbeit und Mittäterschaft,” 122-26.

190 Czeslaw Rajca, “Eksploatacja rolnictwa w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie w propagandzie niemieckiej,” in Zbigniew Kwasny, ed., Badania z dziejów spolecznych i gospodaraych (Wroclaw, 1987), 58.

191 Goetel, Czasy wojny, 68.

192 Dlugoborski, “Deutsche Besatzungspolitik,” 321.

193 Maybe because of this, Lukas treats them both in one and the same chapter: “Civilian Resistance and Collaboration.” Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust, 95-120.

194 Skaradziński, “W czasach wojny,” no. 1:98.

195 Madajczyk, PolitykaUl ftzeszy, 1:639.

196 Wyka, ‘/.ycie na niby, 107.

197 Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust, 117.

198 Madajczyk, “'Teufelswerk,'” 146.

199 Wyka, Zycienaniby, 157.

200 TygodnikPowszechny, no. 17 (110), 4 May 1947.

201 Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation, 139.

202 Przybysz, Chlopi polscy, 227; Luczak, Polityka ludnosciowa, 591. See also the overview by Kosmala, Beate, “Ungleiche Opfer in extremer Situation: Die Schwierigkeiten der Solidaritat im okkupierten Polen,” in Benz, Wolfgang and Wetzel, Juliane, eds., Solidarität und Hilfe für juden während der NS-Zeit: Regionalstudien 1 (Berlin, 1996), 19–98, esp. 91.Google Scholar