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The Ugaritic Combat Myth and Egypto-Hittite Relations in the Late Bronze Age

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Crisis in Early Religion

Abstract

While the story of the Ugaritic Baal Cycle has traditionally been interpreted either in terms of natural phenomena in conflict or as the triumph of order out of primordial chaos, new views have also discussed its contents in relationship with the historical situation of the city of Ugarit in the tug-of-war between the Egyptian and Hittite empires in the Late Bronze Age. Recently, the interpersonal relationships of the gods in the story have also been used to garner information on the political landscape of the era, especially of the Ugaritic vassalage under the Hittites, functioning as a critical commentary on the prevailing political order. But as the story contains timeless aspects and very little historical detail, being itself an iteration of a myth that has its origins in the Middle Bronze Age Amorite Kingdom period, its usefulness in recreating real world political tensions at the tail-end of the Late Bronze Age must be questioned, especially in light of the difficulty in dating the Ugaritic story. This article suggests that while the myth may incidentally reflect the history and political situation of the Eastern Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age, its main function was in the legitimation of established power relationships and in the resolution of the crisis of monarchy itself.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For a general introduction to Ugarit, see Yon (2006).

  2. 2.

    See Palyvou (2007) on Ugarit’s Aegean connection. Lambrou-Phillipson (1993) has cast some doubts on native claims on the size of the Ugaritic fleet, but even given some exaggeration, the number of ports tell their own story.

  3. 3.

    Schniedewind and Hunt (2007).

  4. 4.

    Yon (2006: 21ff), Watson and Wyatt (1999: 729–730).

  5. 5.

    The discovery of the texts was followed by the decipherment of the cuneiform alphabet and the provisional translations of the principal texts between the years 1929 and 1932. Curtis (1985: 18–33).

  6. 6.

    Comparisons between Ugaritic and Hebrew texts have been made e.g. in the Ras Shamra Parallels I–III (1972–1981), edited by Loren Fisher and Stan Rummel.

  7. 7.

    For a study on the Storm-god in the ancient Near East, see Green (2003).

  8. 8.

    For a re-assessment of these classic theories, see J. Scurlock and R. Beal (eds.). 2013. Chaos and Cosmos: A Reconsideration of Herman Gunkel’s Chaoskampf Hypothesis and R. S. Watson. 2005. Chaos Uncreated: A Reassessment of the Theme of “Chaos” in the Hebrew Bible.

  9. 9.

    Astour (1981).

  10. 10.

    Smith has discussed the topic e.g. in The Baal Cycle, vols I and II (1994, 2009), “Interpreting the Ba‘al Cycle” in Ugarit Forschungen 18 (1986), and The Early History of God (1990) and in many others. Wyatt has likewise discussed the political nature of the text in many books and articles, among them The Religious Texts from Ugarit (2002), Myths of Power: A Study of Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (1996), Ilimilku’s Ideological Programme: Ugaritic Royal Propaganda, and a Biblical Postscript (1997) and The Religious Role of the King in Ugarit (2005).

  11. 11.

    Wyatt (2007: 50–51, 2005: 251–252). See also Smith (2001: 159). Something that may be used to argue against the idea of the Baal Cycle as a royal wedding song is that none of the tablets were found in the palace archives, but were instead found in the so-called Library of the High Priest, the area of the scribal school adjunct to the temples of Ugarit. See De Langhe (1958: 141). It could be argued that it was not only the royal family that needed to be educated in the political mythology, but perhaps even more importantly the administrative elite, as the indoctrination of the dynastic line most likely took place organically in the daily life of the court.

  12. 12.

    Wyatt (2007: 50).

  13. 13.

    Astour (1980).

  14. 14.

    Astour (1981: 23). Astour argues that the Ugaritic intellectuals were simply not interested in Hittite culture.

  15. 15.

    Schniedewind and Hunt (2007: 12), Singer (1990: 711).

  16. 16.

    Singer (1990: 730).

  17. 17.

    His review of these theories can be found in Smith (1994, 60ff).

  18. 18.

    Smith (1994: 105).

  19. 19.

    In “Baal Is Our King”: Politics and Narrative at the End of the Bronze Age (2012).

  20. 20.

    Tugendhaft (2012: 368).

  21. 21.

    Tugendhaft (2012: 369).

  22. 22.

    Tugendhaft (2012: 368–369).

  23. 23.

    Sasson (2001: 329, 2013: 121, 2014: 675). According to Sasson, kinship terminology (vertical relationships with father and son, lateral relationships with brother and older brother) was commonly used as a metaphor for political allegiance in the Old Babylonian diplomatic circles. He suggests that the familiar terminology “must have been crystal clear to the people of the time; but it could be confusing to us, leading us to reconstruct false relationships, whether we take the vocabulary to be about kinship or power. In fact, the circumstances under which one was permitted to call another ‘brother’ rather than ‘father’ were controlled by an elaborate protocol—”. This protocol was a “deadly serious matter”. To find kinship terms in these texts is not to suggest actual genealogical relationships between the actors, but relationships of power. It should also be mentioned that these relationships were not always voluntary.

  24. 24.

    Bryce (2004: 82).

  25. 25.

    Consult Töyräänvuori (2018).

  26. 26.

    Watson and Wyatt (1999: 729–730), Bryce (2006).

  27. 27.

    Linder (1981, 40–41).

  28. 28.

    Linder (1981, 36, 39).

  29. 29.

    Stolz (1982), Virolleaud (1946). The former saw the rise of the Ugaritic monarchy behind the writing of the myth, the latter attempted to historicize the myth to the advent of the Sea Peoples.

  30. 30.

    Töyräänvuori (2018).

  31. 31.

    Jack Sasson: The King and I: A Mari King in Changing Perceptions in JAOS 118 (1998): 455.

  32. 32.

    Molly Andrews et al.: The Uses of Narrative: Explorations in Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies (2004).

  33. 33.

    The effects of the Second World War on Ugaritic scholarship have been discussed by Smith (2001: 36), Vidal (2014). Sasson (1998: 454), also discusses the early years of the research into Mari texts in the shadows of the Second World War, and how the history of the city and its king were fashioned as a kind of morality tale.

  34. 34.

    Bryce (2006), Wilkinson (2011: 340–341). Featured in the Marriage Stela of Ramesses II, translated by James Henry Breates in Ancient Records of Egypt III (2001).

  35. 35.

    Watson and Wyatt (1999: 729–730), Bryce (2006).

  36. 36.

    Watson (1999), Dietrich (2003).

  37. 37.

    Sasson (1998: 458).

  38. 38.

    The Idrimi inscription was published by Oppenheim (1969: 557–558). Oppenheim observed parallels between Idrimi and David. The accession number of the statue on which the inscription is written is BM 130738.

  39. 39.

    Stories of the Biblical David-Cycle are mostly found in 1 and 2 Samuel and 1 Kings in the Hebrew Bible.

  40. 40.

    Sasson (1998: 455).

  41. 41.

    On the nature of ancient historiography, see Michael Grant: Greek and Roman Historians: Information and Misinformation (1995).

  42. 42.

    Although he references Medieval Europe, Keith Yandell’s quote from Faith and Narrative (2001) is apt: “We should recall that in medieval Europe literacy and administration were two sides of the same coin. Writing was a political act, the written record a legal rule.” (p. 31).

  43. 43.

    While I have issued caution with his conclusions in the past, this is what Aaron Tugendhaft attempts in “Baal Is Our King”, using the myth of the Baal Cycle in discussing the political landscape of the Late Bronze Age.

  44. 44.

    Redford (1992: 48), writes: “We must remember, however, the very simple nature of the plot of these tales as well as the mutual awareness and interconnection through trade and travel enjoyed by communities around the Levantine and African coasts from time immemorial. We are, in fact, plummeted back to a prehistoric age if we seek to identify in time and place the point of origin of the story. It would be a bootless search.”

  45. 45.

    See Cruz and Frijhoff (2009).

  46. 46.

    The texts from Ugarit are published in the third edition of Die Keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit (2013), edited by M. Dietrich & O. Loretz & J. Sanmartín. The texts are arranged by type.

  47. 47.

    Gérard Bouchard: Pour une nouvelle sociologie des mythes sociaux in RESS 1 (2013) outlines an empirical and theoretical approach to the sociology of myths, opining that the study of myths is neglected in modern sociological research. The same is true of historical studies, where myths are relegated to the study of the history of literature.

  48. 48.

    Suriano (2009: 121).

  49. 49.

    Regarding the former, see Töyräänvuori (2017).

  50. 50.

    From the classic treatise on the king’s two bodies by Kantorowicz (1957). This concept has been discussed by Niehr in relation to Ugarit in several articles. See especially Niehr (2015).

  51. 51.

    The latter discussed especially by Suriano (2009). Also Gibson (1999–2000: 94–95).

  52. 52.

    Suriano (2010: 140ff).

  53. 53.

    More on this topic in Töyräänvuori (2018).

  54. 54.

    On the annual repetition of Ugaritic rituals, see Suriano (2009: 117), Schmidt (1994: 121).

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Töyräänvuori, J. (2022). The Ugaritic Combat Myth and Egypto-Hittite Relations in the Late Bronze Age. In: Kõiv, M., Läänemets, M., Droß-Krüpe, K., Fink, S. (eds) Crisis in Early Religion. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36989-7_5

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